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On a recent weekday evening, a special bus tour whisked art lovers through over twelve galleries and museums that stayed open until midnight, offering a late‑night glimpse of the Abidjan Art Week programme.The after‑hours event, dubbed the Night of the Galleries, was first trialled in January 2024 alongside the Africa Cup of Nations – a tournament that Côte d’Ivoire both hosted and won – and has become a staple of the festival’s third edition, which ran from Tuesday to Sunday.Since its inception, the week has broadened its footprint, moving beyond the city centre to include venues such as the La Rotonde des Arts contemporary‑arts hub in the Plateau district and the Adama Toungara Museum of Contemporary Cultures (MuCAT) in the working‑class neighbourhood of Abobo.Local collectors are emerging in force. MuCAT has hosted the Africa Foto Fair each year since 2022, and the Marché des Arts du Spectacle d’Abidjan – the city’s answer to the Dakar Biennale – is set to launch its 14th edition later this month.A graffiti festival launched two years ago has transformed the perception of street art, with vibrant murals now adorning the façade of the La Pyramide building and several upscale hotels in Plateau.Organisers stress that the festival’s growth should be independent of external validation. This year’s roster featured artists from Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Mali, and the number of participating galleries more than doubled compared with previous editions.Founder Yacouba Konaté, who also directs La Rotonde des Arts, highlighted the festival’s commitment to accessibility, arguing that art should not be seen as an elite pastime.The opening tribute honoured Simone Guirandou‑N’Diaye, a pioneering Ivorian art historian whose legacy lives on through Galerie LouiSimone Guirandou, now run with her daughter Gazelle.Among the week’s highlights, MuCAT presented Murmures d’Archives, a quieter, archival‑focused exhibition that concluded with an artists’ workshop and a DJ set.In the upscale Cocody district, New York‑based artist Ouattara Watts staged a solo show at Galerie Cécile Fakhoury, drawing the Ivorian diaspora into dialogue with the local scene. Watts explained that his work aims to transcend borders, describing it as “a vision that goes beyond any map – it is the cosmos that I paint.”

History’s Greatest Fails pairs author Elizabeth Day with historian Dan Jones to explore celebrated historical missteps. After a witty reunion anecdote about their Cambridge days, the duo tackles the myth of Richard III’s villainy and promises a future episode on Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn, dubbed the "Ross and Rachel of early modern history."Strangely follows presenters Poppy Damon and Luke Jones as they plunge into off‑beat news stories, such as the macabre tale of a surgeon who amputated his own legs and the obscure origin of Neil Hopper’s "eunuch‑maker" moniker. The show balances factual depth with a tongue‑in‑cheek tone.Passenger Seat is a slow‑burn true‑crime podcast produced by Pennsylvania writer Tom Joudrey. The inaugural season recounts the 2012 kidnapping of Jennifer Hurst in Ohio, unraveling the puzzling motive behind the crime and the surprising gratitude she later expressed in court.Big Bro With Kid Cudi marks rapper Kid Cudi’s entry into the "celebrity podcast industrial complex". His first interview features Kylie Jenner, who drops the usual Kardashian PR veneer to discuss family dynamics, her upcoming acting role in the film The Moment, and a brief nod to Timothée Chalamet.Northern News reunites comedian Amy Gledhill with Ian Smith to spotlight odd and delightful headlines from the north of England that often slip under the radar. Regular contributors such as Stevie Martin, Alison Spittle and Phil Wang add extra comic flair.

GSK has revealed promising early results for its treatment for gynaecological cancers, Mocertatug Rezetecan (Mo-Rez), as its chief executive, Luke Miels, seeks to speed up drug development at the group.The company reported that in an early-stage trial, Mo-Rez shrank or eliminated tumours in 62% of patients with ovarian cancer where chemotherapy had failed, and in 67% of those with endometrial cancer.GSK acquired the Mo-Rez cancer treatment, an antibody-drug conjugate (ADC), from China’s Hansoh Pharma in late 2023, and has trialled it in 224 patients around the world, including the UK, over the past year. Few patients needed to stop treatment because of side-effects, the most common being nausea. It is administered every three weeks via intravenous infusion.Combined with data from a separate, intermediate trial in China, these results give GSK the confidence to go straight to late-stage trials, with five clinical studies planned globally in the next few months, including on patients in the UK.Presenting the results at the Society of Gynecologic Oncology’s annual meeting on women’s cancer in Puerto Rico, Hesham Abdullah, GSK’s global head of cancer research and development, said: “Treatment of gynaecological cancers remains a major challenge, with a pressing need for new therapies that offer improved response rates. With Mo-Rez we now have compelling evidence of a promising clinical profile.”Endometrial cancer affects 1.6 million women globally, with 417,000 new cases each year. Ovarian cancer affects 843,000 people, with 240,000 new cases annually.Abdullah described Mo-Rez as a “key asset” in the company’s growing cancer portfolio, expected to be a blockbuster drug with peak annual sales of more than £2bn, which GSK hopes will help it achieve its 2031 sales target of £40bn.

The story of Eva Dumani, a 20-year-old Albanian woman who was kidnapped at the age of nine and held in a Syrian camp for 12 years, has shed light on the plight of thousands of foreign nationals still detained in similar conditions. Dumani's emotional reunion with her uncle, Xhetan Ndregjoni, after escaping from the al-Hawl camp, has highlighted the urgent need for governments to repatriate their citizens held in these camps. The collapse of al-Hawl camp and the uncertainty over the future of the smaller al-Roj facility have raised concerns about the security and well-being of those left behind, including women and children from over 40 countries with alleged ties to Islamic State. According to Devorah Margolin, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, governments can no longer ignore the issue and must take proactive steps to repatriate their citizens and provide them with trauma-informed care and reintegration support. The humanitarian crisis in these camps has been well-documented, with Human Rights Watch describing the conditions as “inhuman, degrading, and life-threatening”. Many women and children have been held without charge or trial for years, and there are concerns about their vulnerability to exploitation and recruitment by extremist groups. In a recent development, Belgium has arrested a woman charged in absentia for IS membership upon her return from Syria, while Australian authorities are working to repatriate over 30 Australians who attempted to leave the al-Roj camp. The Albanian government has faced criticism for its handling of the situation, with Ndregjoni calling on the government to bring back home the remaining Albanians still trapped in northern Syria.

OpenAI, a leading AI company, has recently released a 13-page policy paper titled 'Industrial Policy for the Intelligence Age,' which calls for a reimagining of the social contract around 'a slate of people-first ideas.' This move is part of an aggressive effort by major AI players to reshape the narrative around their industry, as public disapproval of AI is increasing.OpenAI's paper proposes ideas such as a four-day workweek and a public wealth fund that would return profits directly to citizens. While the company presents these ideas as a starting point for a broader conversation, critics argue that they are more of a public relations ploy than a genuine policy document.OpenAI spent nearly $3m on lobbying in 2025, and its president, Greg Brockman, co-founded a pro-AI Super Pac that raised more than $125m last year. The company is also backing a bill in Illinois that would shield AI firms from liability in cases where an AI model causes serious societal harms.Critics argue that these efforts are aimed at undermining independent efforts to regulate the industry and that the company's proposals shift responsibility away from the company and towards the public and lawmakers. As public distrust of AI grows, the industry is looking for ways to reframe the debate and influence regulation.A Pew Research Center survey found that only 16% of Americans believe that AI will help people think more creatively, while only 5% of Americans believe it will help people better form meaningful relationships. An NBC News poll found that only 26% of voters had a favorable opinion of AI, with a net negative rating.

Benin is set to choose a new head of state on Sunday, April 12, 2026, in an election that appears to favor the governing coalition’s nominee, finance minister Romuald Wadagni. The 49‑year‑old, a former Deloitte executive, has been hand‑picked by outgoing President Patrice Talon, who is constitutionally barred from seeking a third term after a decade in power. With roughly eight million eligible voters on the rolls, the contest requires a candidate to secure more than 50 % of the vote; otherwise a runoff would be scheduled for May 10. In practice, only two names appear on the ballot: Wadagni, representing the Progressive Union Renewal‑Republican Bloc alliance, and Paul Hounkpe, the 56‑year‑old former teacher and culture minister who runs under the Cowry Forces for an Emerging Benin (FCBE) banner. Wadagni’s campaign emphasizes continuity of Talon’s economic reforms. Under Talon, Benin’s budget tripled and the country posted its strongest GDP growth in over twenty years, with the International Monetary Fund estimating a 7 % expansion in 2025. Investment in trade, agriculture and the Cotonou port has driven this performance, though benefits remain uneven, especially in the poorer northern regions. Security concerns dominate the northern frontier, where al‑Qaeda and IS‑linked militias from the Sahel have intensified cross‑border raids. Recent attacks by the JNIM network killed 54 soldiers in 2025 and another 15 in early 2026. A failed coup attempt in December 2025, allegedly motivated by neglect of troops in the north, left about 100 suspects awaiting trial. Wadagni has pledged to create municipal police forces to protect border towns, while Hounkpe warns that the current administration has sidelined citizens despite macro‑economic gains. Beyond economics and security, the election raises questions about Benin’s democratic health. Talon’s government has been criticized for suppressing protests, extending presidential terms from five to seven years, and enabling the president to appoint Senate members—moves that have effectively eliminated opposition representation. In the January parliamentary vote, Talon’s allies captured all 109 seats, and the main opposition party, the Democrats, failed to field a presidential candidate. Observers note that voter turnout will be a key barometer of public sentiment. The last presidential election saw only about 50 % participation. Al Jazeera reporter Ahmed Idris described the atmosphere at a governing‑party rally in Cotonou as “lively,” but cautioned that it may not reflect the broader mood in a nation where democratic space appears to be shrinking. Should Wadagni win, he pledges to build on a decade of “economic transformation,” expanding development hubs and healthcare access while maintaining fiscal discipline. Hounkpe, positioned as a moderate alternative, promises to lower basic commodity prices and secure the release of political prisoners detained under Talon’s rule. The outcome will shape Benin’s trajectory at a critical juncture: balancing sustained economic growth, confronting escalating security threats from the Sahel, and navigating the tension between authoritarian tendencies and the country’s reputation as one of West Africa’s more stable democracies.

When wages have been stagnant for almost two decades and a simple tube of toothpaste now costs nearly £7 at a major supermarket, the claim that “money can’t buy happiness” feels increasingly dismissive. The argument rests on a narrow view of what money can achieve. Spending cash solely on material goods yields only short‑lived pleasure. In contrast, the ability to afford time, experiences and mental‑health support expands one’s sense of freedom and purpose. Even basic needs such as leisure have become commodified; more disposable income simply translates into more opportunities to pursue what matters. As someone diagnosed with ADHD, I have learned—through personal trial rather than formal neuroscience—how to secure a steady supply of dopamine. The cheapest route is not a quick thrill, but activities that provide lasting satisfaction, such as novel experiences and moments of awe. One vivid example came during a winter trip to rural France, where two feet of snow turned the landscape into a scene straight out of Narnia. The awe‑inspiring view was a reminder that nature’s restorative power is often accessible only to those who can afford the travel, in my case a budget flight with Ryanair. Research supports the intuition that higher income correlates with greater happiness. A 2023 study by psychologists at Princeton and the University of Pennsylvania found that people with higher earnings report higher life satisfaction, though money cannot resolve non‑financial sources of unhappiness. Even the world’s richest are not immune to the paradox. Earlier this year, Elon Musk—on track to become the first trillionaire—tweeted that anyone who says “money can’t buy happiness” must be missing something. While Musk’s wealth may not guarantee personal joy, the same resources could provide a foundation for happiness for billions facing financial strain. Nevertheless, hoarding wealth like a dragon does not equate to fulfillment. The column suggests that redirecting a portion of vast fortunes toward travel, cultural enrichment, and shared experiences could transform isolated wealth into collective well‑being. In short, financial stability reduces stress and broadens horizons. It allows individuals to invest in the intangible assets—time, relationships, awe‑inducing experiences—that truly enrich life.

Barney Ronay set out to test whether a disciplined betting strategy could turn a modest £10 stake into a sizeable profit. Over five days he managed to grow the amount to £120, a return that sounded impressive but left him emotionally flat. His experiment underscores a broader truth: sport betting is engineered to disturb and addict. The personal journey is set against a looming financial shock for English football. Nine Premier League clubs have warned they cannot replace the cash flow previously supplied by gambling sponsors, which will be barred from shirt‑front advertising next season under a voluntary industry agreement. One club executive summed up the anxiety: “Nearly everyone is losing money.” The shortfall is estimated at around £4 million for the affected clubs. These concerns arrive at a time when the gambling sector itself faces scrutiny. Recent data show that up to 1.4 million UK adults may have a gambling problem, a figure that has risen alongside the proliferation of mobile betting apps. The Guardian previously reported that the world‑champion club could incur losses of £335 million in a single season, illustrating the massive financial stakes involved. Ronay’s betting log reads like a sports‑fan’s diary. He began with a £10 wager on a Florida horse race, which paid out modestly. Subsequent bets on high‑profile matches – Manchester City versus Liverpool, Southampton beating Arsenal in the FA Cup – produced a rapid climb to £120. Yet each win felt hollow, prompting him to chase larger, riskier bets such as a four‑way accumulator on the Champions League semi‑finalists, a gamble that ultimately fell short. Beyond the numbers, the piece highlights how gambling permeates the football experience: logos dominate club kits, betting terminology infiltrates fan conversation, and promotional offers tempt even casual viewers. Ronay argues that this saturation turns a simple pastime into a “highly available, stimulating activity designed to hook” users, exploiting the brain’s natural reward pathways. In concluding, Ronay stresses two take‑aways. First, the industry’s promise of “extra money” for clubs is a façade – the money only comes out of fans’ pockets. Second, the impending £4 million sponsorship gap may actually serve as a catalyst for sensible self‑regulation, forcing clubs to reconsider reliance on gambling revenue.

Argentina's glacier law has been in effect since 2010, and was the first legislation in Latin America to protect glaciers. It has been a point of contention for mining companies and provincial authorities ever since.The law bans 'any activity' that can affect the 'natural condition' of a glacier or the periglacial frozen land surrounding it, or that results in 'its destruction, movement or interferes with its advance'. That includes the construction of infrastructure not for scientific purposes and any industrial activity. Mining companies, including Barrick, have previously sought to have the law deemed unconstitutional, but the supreme court rejected the challenge.However, a recent reform to the glacier law driven by the far-right government of Javier Milei will relax restrictions, paving the way for mines in high-altitude areas blanketed with ice and snow, which are sources of water. The new law, approved on Wednesday by 137 votes to 111, with three abstentions, will enable provincial authorities to decide which glaciers are protected and which are open for development based on whether they represent a 'relevant water function'.Environmentalists and community members such as Zeballos, a 51-year-old accountant turned activist, have long alleged that Veladero, owned by Canada-based Barrick Mining Corporation and China's Shandong Gold, is operating illegally in an area considered off-limits by Argentina's Ley de Glaciares – or glacier law. The reform has sparked a wave of protests, with Greenpeace activists staging a demonstration on the steps of the National Congress.'What is at stake is the protection of key water reserves in Argentina,' says Andrés Nápoli, a lawyer and executive director of the Foundation of Environment and Natural Resources (Farn), an environmental and human rights NGO. 'Saying that you have to destroy glaciers to guarantee the energy transition is an oxymoron.'About 7 million people, 16% of the population in Argentina, live in areas that depend on glaciers, according to environmental organisations. Glaciers don't just feed rivers; they balance fragile ecosystems hit hard by a heating planet. In Argentina's northwest, scientists say they have shrunk by 17% in the past 10 years.