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Iran is experiencing the longest nationwide internet blackout ever recorded, according to the global monitoring group NetBlocks. Since the United States and Israel launched their war on Iran on February 28, connectivity has hovered at about 1% of pre‑war levels, effectively cutting the country off from the global web. The blackout follows a prior 20‑day shutdown in January, which coincided with deadly nationwide protests. Combined, these measures mean that Iranian civilians have spent close to two‑thirds of 2026 in digital darkness, relying only on a slow, state‑controlled intranet for basic services and state‑run news. NetBlocks highlighted that while regions such as Myanmar, Sudan, Kashmir and Tigray have endured longer intermittent outages, no other war has forced an entire nation offline to this extent. The monitor added that Iran is the first country to lose previously functional internet connectivity by reverting to a national network. Economic analysts warned that the January shutdown already caused the economy to lose tens of millions of dollars each day in direct damages, with far‑reaching indirect effects. Companies reported that many online businesses could not survive more than three weeks without connectivity, leading to a wave of layoffs and reduced pay raises. One affected worker, Kamran, a product designer in Karaj, said he was dismissed after the latest wave of cuts. He now relies on a local skill‑matching group, but fears competition from thousands of similarly displaced workers. A senior data analyst from a Tehran firm disclosed that the firm is offering lower-than‑expected raises and shifting to three‑month contracts, creating uncertainty about future employment. Compounding the digital crisis, the war has targeted Iran’s steel factories, petrochemical plants and other civilian infrastructure, aggravating pre‑existing problems of high inflation and unemployment. Only a limited segment of the population can access the global internet—either because they are whitelisted by the state or because they pay steep fees for proxy connections that often disappear after a few hours. Government spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani stated that internet access is being granted only to those who can “get the voice out,” such as officials, state‑affiliated entities and news agencies. Citizens on the ground describe a grim reality: frequent power outages, uncertainty about water supplies, and an inability to use services like Google Search or AI tools, even as they watch live feeds from space missions that remain inaccessible. In response to the prolonged shutdown, authorities have begun rolling out a tiered system dubbed “Internet Pro.” Business groups have received a “guide to connect to international internet,” urging them to contact a state‑run messaging app, Bale, for registration. Parallel efforts by a major telecom carrier offer one‑year data packages at prices higher than normal plans, while existing providers have not refunded customers for services they cannot deliver. President Masoud Pezeshkian’s administration, which campaigned on unblocking Iran’s internet, has offered no official explanation for the shutdown, leaving both the battered digital sector and the broader economy facing an uncertain future.

As the final minutes ticked away at St Mary’s Stadium on Saturday, even the stray yellow balloons seemed to mock Arsenal’s faltering performance.Despite a season that once promised an unprecedented English quadruple, the Gunners have now suffered six consecutive losses, including a Carabao Cup final defeat and an FA Cup exit at Southampton. The double blow has turned a potential historic haul into a looming “quad‑lapse”.Two weeks later, a home loss to Bournemouth followed by a defeat at Manchester City’s Etihad has erased the nine‑point cushion Arsenal once enjoyed at the top of the league. With only 16 games left in the campaign, the club teeters between a title challenge and a mid‑season collapse.Arturial optimism remains, however. The manager’s emphasis on a cohesive, system‑based approach still gives Arsenal a realistic shot at the Premier League crown, even if the broader quadruple dream appears increasingly distant.What makes this season noteworthy is the sheer difficulty of competing on multiple fronts without the financial firepower of a “galactico” squad. Arsenal’s progress underscores that building a balanced, strategically disciplined team can still challenge the traditional spend‑and‑win model.Yet the narrative surrounding Arsenal’s struggles is amplified by the cultural appetite for drama. In today’s social‑media‑driven landscape, each stumble is dissected in slow‑motion, feeding a collective schadenfreude that often eclipses genuine appreciation for the club’s achievements.Arteta’s weekly press conferences have become iconic, his frustration palpable as he urges his side to “win the Champions League because we’ve thrown it away”. This raw emotion, amplified across platforms, reflects both the pressure on the manager and the public’s fascination with the club’s roller‑coaster journey.From a tactical standpoint, Arsenal’s current dilemma lies in a lack of creativity when opponents neutralise their prescribed patterns. Despite leading the league, the team ranks fourth in chances created from open play after 31 matches, and the figure has slipped further in recent weeks.Key attacking statistics highlight the problem: Gabriel Martinelli has not scored in the Premier League since September 2025; Noni Madueke has one league goal since January; Gabriel Jesus, Declan Rice, Leandro Trossard, Martin Ødegaard, and Kai Havertz are all goalless; and Bukayo Saka has managed only three league goals since November. These numbers illustrate a broader creative entropy that hampers Arsenal’s ability to break down well‑organised defenses.The team’s attacking blueprint—characterised by lateral passing, pre‑programmed overloads and a reliance on set patterns—has become predictable. Without the dynamism of players like Saka or the emerging spark of 16‑year‑old Eze, Arsenal lack the spontaneity needed to unlock stubborn opponents.Comparisons with Pep Guardiola’s Manchester City are inevitable. While Guardiola’s philosophy also hinges on possession and positional control, his side integrates moments of individual flair and improvisation, a balance Arsenal’s current iteration seems to miss. Critics have dubbed Arteta’s approach a “ChatGPT‑style Guardiola‑ism”: technically flawless yet devoid of the human edge that makes football unpredictable.Nevertheless, the squad’s underlying talent and the progress made this season should not be dismissed. If Arteta can re‑inject creativity and adapt his system to the evolving challenges, Arsenal remain well‑placed to contest the league title, even as rivals like City continue to demonstrate both brilliance and vulnerability.

When Corentin Roudaut arrived in Paris a decade ago, he swapped his student‑era bike for a car, daunted by the city’s traffic and lack of cyclist protection. After a protected lane opened on Boulevard Voltaire in the 11th arrondissement, he reclaimed his two‑wheel commute and now volunteers with the cycling advocacy group Paris en Selle, witnessing a city that has shed its car‑centric image.Roudaut notes that the shift “started slowly but really accelerated in the last ten years,” with a growing network of bike routes that is becoming safe and nearly complete in many districts.Mayor Anne Hidalgo’s 12‑year agenda reshaped Paris’s urban fabric. Since taking office in 2014, her administration planted 155,000 trees, created several hundred kilometres of segregated bike lanes, pedestrianised 300 school streets, and banned cars from the banks of the Seine. Former parking spaces have been turned into green plazas and café terraces, reducing the risk of children being hit while walking to school.As Hidalgo departs on Sunday, her legacy is touted as a blueprint for progressive European cities, especially as some national governments retreat from green initiatives.Nevertheless, the reforms have sparked pushback. Motorists object to the loss of road space, and recent referendums on higher parking charges for SUVs and further school‑street pedestrianisation suffered low voter turnouts. Right‑wing mayoral candidate Rachida Dati described the new public‑space regime as “anxiety‑inducing,” though she stopped short of promising a reversal.In a candid interview, Hidalgo described the Seine‑bank pedestrianisation as “a tough battle” that, once won, left residents reluctant to revert to car traffic. She highlighted a generation of children who have never known cars on those riverbanks, prompting awe‑filled reactions from visitors.Urban scholars attribute the rapid change to Paris’s tight administrative boundaries, which limit suburban influence on city transport decisions, and to groundwork laid by previous mayors. Yet they stress that political courage was essential to implement measures that inconvenienced drivers while delivering social and environmental benefits.Environmental epidemiologist Audrey de Nazelle of Imperial College London, a Paris native, praised the transformation as “fabulous” and warned that many cities lack the bravery to pursue similar legacies.A recent report placed Paris among 19 global cities that cut two major toxic air pollutants between 2010 and 2024. While Brussels and Warsaw saw faster declines in fine‑particle matter, London outpaced Paris in reducing nitrogen‑dioxide levels.By contrast, Berlin—despite opening a new inner‑city motorway and scrapping 30 km/h speed limits on key streets—still records a higher share of cyclists than Paris.Transport researcher Giulio Mattioli argues that Paris simply needed to add bike lanes to unlock latent demand, noting that the city started from a lower baseline but quickly caught up with peers.However, the transformation remains uneven. The extensive suburbs continue to be dominated by cars, hemmed in by the 35 km Boulevard Périphérique ring road. Analyst Jean‑Louis Missika of think‑tank Terra Nova stresses that “as long as this motorway encircles Paris, the Greater Paris metropolis will remain an administrative construct devoid of urban reality.” He calls for dismantling or repurposing the ring road to achieve a truly post‑car metropolis.

When the sanctioned Russian tanker Anatoly Kolodkin docked at Matanzas and off‑loaded roughly 700,000 barrels of crude, observers were left questioning why Washington had temporarily lifted its oil embargo on the island.Just weeks earlier, President Donald Trump had taken to social media to declare an end to any oil or cash flowing to Cuba. Yet, in a stark reversal, he later told reporters he had no objection to oil shipments reaching the country, allowing the Russian vessel to pass.Adding to the intrigue, Cuban authorities announced the release of 2,010 prisoners as a “humanitarian gesture” for Holy Week. Analysts quickly linked the pardons to the tanker’s arrival, interpreting both moves as evidence of ongoing, albeit secret, talks between Washington and Havana.The U.S. oil blockade has already pushed Cuba’s fragile economy to the brink: tourism has all but vanished after airlines from Canada, Russia, China and France withdrew, with Iberia set to exit by the end of May. Most petrol stations are shuttered and blackouts have become a daily reality.Population estimates now sit at 9.5 million, down from a pre‑crisis peak after a two‑million‑person exodus over the past five years. Citizens describe a systemic collapse of health, education and transport services.With official channels silent, Cubans are piecing together fragmented leaks—largely from the U.S. side—to gauge the direction of the negotiations.The dialogue pits Trump’s hard‑line rhetoric, which vows to “take” the island, against Cuba’s insistence that its political system is non‑negotiable.One diplomat suggested the tanker’s arrival could be a tactical humanitarian showcase, but also noted it might serve as a confidence‑building measure. The simultaneous prisoner release leans toward the latter interpretation.Professor William LeoGrande of American University observed that such reciprocal gestures often precede substantive diplomatic progress.Meanwhile, another Russian‑flagged tanker, the Sea Horse, carrying about 200,000 barrels, was sighted moving toward Venezuela, hinting at a coordinated “carrot” strategy aimed at both Havana and Caracas.Although oil alone is unlikely to compel the Cuban regime to relinquish power, the recent events suggest a more transactional pathway may be emerging.Since 2021, Cuba has nurtured a private sector of over 10,000 small‑ and medium‑sized enterprises (Mipymes), spawning a new class of affluent Cubans often tied to the regime and the army’s economic arm, Gaesa.Negotiations appear to be led by Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, a grandson of former President Raúl Castro and son of the late Gaesa chief Luis Rodríguez López‑Calleja.In a recent CNN interview, Fidel Castro’s grandson Sandro Castro, a 33‑year‑old influencer and businessman, argued that the majority of Cubans now favor a capitalist model over communism.His open criticism of President Miguel Díaz‑Canel—calling his performance “unsatisfactory”—would normally trigger state security action, yet appears tolerated, suggesting the U.S. may be leveraging Díaz‑Canel’s vulnerability in the talks.Analysts speculate a possible outcome where Cuba’s economy opens to foreign investment while senior Castros retain political influence, aligning with Trump’s expressed desire for a “friendly” transition reminiscent of recent moves in Venezuela.One senior diplomat in Havana noted that the United States might permit existing private businesses to continue operating, provided they also open markets to U.S. interests.The prospect of any Castro family member retaining authority is likely to provoke fierce opposition from hard‑line Cuban‑American groups, epitomized by figures like Marco Rubio, who have long advocated for the Castros’ removal.Perhaps the greatest concern remains the roughly 40 % of Cubans who are not part of the private sector and rely on state support; many are elderly and now face the very real threat of starvation.

In Lebanon, the war with Israel has severely impacted the traditional funeral process. Normally, the deceased are given a final procession through their hometown before burial. However, due to Israel's expanding ground invasion in south Lebanon, families are being forced to abandon these customs.In Tyre, temporary graves have been established with brief epitaphs marking the deceased. The burials are conducted using a special Islamic rite called wadiaa, which allows for the casket, but not the body, to be exhumed later. This practice is usually reserved for exceptional circumstances like war.Rabih Koubaissi, who oversees burials in Tyre, noted that people have an emotional attachment to burying their loved ones in their ancestral land, reflecting their sense of belonging and heritage. The brutality of war has made it impossible to follow traditional washing and preparation of bodies, sometimes only collecting pieces of bodies for burial.Families face the heartbreaking reality of having to bury their loved ones twice. The Israeli military's plan to occupy areas south of the Litani River indefinitely raises fears that reburials may not be possible for months or even years. This situation has left the deceased with few visitors, as most families have been forced to leave Tyre due to increased attacks.Hecham Reda, a medic, expressed his fear of not being able to rebury his friend Hadi back home, reflecting the anxiety many people from south Lebanon are experiencing. Koubaissi finds it difficult to comfort grieving families, trying to convey sympathy without revealing the harsh realities of the situation.

The Shift from Silent Infrastructure to Political FlashpointFor years, data centers operated as the silent backbone of the digital economy, largely unnoticed by the communities they served. However, recent polling data suggests this era of quiet expansion is ending. A growing wave of local opposition is turning data centers into a contentious political issue, forcing tech companies to confront the reality that their infrastructure is no longer welcome in everyone's backyard.Discrepancies in Public Sentiment: Harvard/MIT vs. QuinnipiacThe debate is split, with conflicting data highlighting the complexity of public opinion. A Harvard/MIT poll conducted in November offers a moderate view, finding that 40% of respondents supported the construction of a data center in their area. However, this support drops significantly when compared to industrial facilities, with 32% opposing the idea.Harvard/MIT Poll (Nov): 40% support data centers; 32% oppose.Quinnipiac Poll (March): 65% oppose AI data centers; 24% support.A fascinating insight from the Axios report notes that public preference shifts dramatically based on the facility type: more people would rather have an e-commerce warehouse than a data center.The Economic Trade-off: Jobs vs. Power CostsThe core of the conflict lies in the perceived benefits and drawbacks of these facilities. While data centers promise economic growth, a significant portion of the population is skeptical. Two-thirds of respondents in the Harvard/MIT survey expressed concern that a new data center would nudge electricity prices higher.Conversely, e-commerce warehouses are viewed more favorably, likely due to the tangible promise of local jobs and economic stimulation. However, analysts warn that this sentiment may be short-lived, as most data center projects employ very few people once operational, unlike the labor-intensive nature of warehousing.From Local Zoning to National Policy: The Future of Data Center RegulationThe divergence in polling numbers—from the moderate 40% support to the sharp 65% opposition—suggests that the data center debate is far from settled. As these facilities continue to proliferate, the discontent is likely to spill over into politics.With the "quiet" era of data center expansion effectively over, we can expect a surge in local zoning battles and potential federal regulation aimed at managing the energy consumption and community impact of AI infrastructure.

Real Madrid coach Alvaro Arbeloa has come out in defense of Spain, insisting that the country is not racist despite a recent incident of Islamophobic chanting during a national team match. The incident occurred during Spain's friendly against Egypt on Tuesday, where sections of the crowd at Espanyol's RCDE Stadium in Cornella sang, “Whoever doesn’t jump is Muslim.”Arbeloa emphasized that Spain is a tolerant country and that racist attitudes should be eliminated. “I think Spain is not a racist country. If it was, we would have a problem every weekend at all of the stadiums,” he told reporters. He stressed the importance of eradicating any racist attitude at stadiums and in society, while also highlighting Spain's tolerant nature.The incident drew criticism from Spain and Barcelona forward Lamine Yamal, who is Muslim, and criticised those chanting as “ignorant and racist.” Barcelona coach Hansi Flick praised Yamal for making a “great statement” by condemning those responsible for the abuse, emphasizing the importance of inclusion and respect.The issue of racism in Spanish football has been a recurring problem, with Real Madrid striker Vinicius Jr having been racially abused at several stadiums across the country in high-profile incidents in recent years. In 2025, five Real Valladolid fans who racially abused Vinicius in a 2022 match were found guilty of committing a hate crime – the first such ruling in Spain regarding insults at a football stadium.Catalonia’s regional police are investigating the chants, and Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez called the incident “unacceptable”, emphasizing that Spain is a diverse and tolerant country that cannot allow an uncivil minority to tarnish its reality.

When a loved one passes away while a care home still holds prepaid weeks, many families are told that the provider’s "policy" does not allow refunds. In one recent case, a family challenged this stance, discovered that the contract actually obligated the home to return the unused fees, and successfully secured a refund. The experience underscores a wider issue: care‑home operators often withhold money from bereaved families, banking on their grief and lack of legal knowledge. The author, forewarned by similar reports, enlisted a family lawyer who identified the contractual breach and drafted a decisive email that compelled the provider to comply. Importantly, the complaint was not about the quality of care. The writer notes a clear separation between the compassionate on‑site staff and the profit‑focused head office, suggesting that the latter may deliberately adopt a “no‑refund” stance as a revenue‑preserving tactic. Historically, the practice traces back to the privatisation of care homes under Margaret Thatcher. The original promise was that market competition would increase choice for residents while lowering public spending. In reality, the economics of private care demand near‑full occupancy to stay profitable, forcing operators to raise prices when referrals dip. This creates a paradox: the need for vacant beds to offer choice clashes with the profit motive to maximise occupancy, ultimately undermining the policy’s goals. For families navigating this landscape, the lesson is clear: scrutinise contracts and seek legal advice before accepting a provider’s blanket “no‑refund” policy. A vigilant approach can turn a potentially lost sum into a reclaimed right, and may pressure care‑home chains to rethink opaque refund practices.

Channel 4 is poised to shake up the traditional Boat Races with its debut coverage of the event, bringing a fresh perspective and new talent to the table. The network has acquired the broadcasting rights from the BBC, signaling a significant change in the event's media landscape. The Boat Races, a storied competition between Oxford and Cambridge universities, has been a staple of British sport since 1829. This year's event promises to be exciting, with Oxford's Heidi Long, a bronze medalist in the women's eight at Paris 2024, leading the charge against Cambridge's dominant women's team. Clare Balding, previously the face of the BBC's coverage, will continue as presenter, joined by newcomers Jamie Laing, a reality TV star and Radio 1 DJ, and Ade Adepitan, a TV presenter and Londoner. The on-screen team aims to bring a new dynamic to the event, appealing to a younger demographic. The production company, FilmNova, brings four years of experience from BBC broadcasts and has planned several innovations, including relatable comparisons and humanizing the rowers. One highlight is a 'fantasy boat' featuring well-known sportspeople, such as Serena Williams and Frankie Dettori. The Boat Races also shed light on pressing issues like Thames Water's mismanagement and sewage pollution in Britain's waterways, adding a layer of depth to the event. As Channel 4 takes the reins, the athletes can focus on their goals, with Long and her Oxford teammates striving to end Cambridge's eight consecutive wins. Heidi Long's remarkable story, balancing rowing with medical studies and personal loss, exemplifies the dedication and resilience of the athletes. Her leadership and experience are seen as key factors in Oxford's bid for victory.