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Cameron Picton, the bassist‑vocalist behind British art‑rock outfit Black Midi, has unveiled his first solo statement under the moniker My New Band Believe. Recorded with a cadre of improvisational musicians—including veteran drummer Steve Noble, formerly of Rip Rig + Panic—the album abandons the band’s signature wall of sound for an intimate, acoustic approach.The record opens with the gentle ballad “Still,” a track originally tucked away on Black Midi’s sprawling rock‑opera Hellfire. Here, Picton’s unadorned vocal delivery replaces Geordie Greep’s theatrical croons, setting a tone of understated sincerity that runs through the entire project.Every song is built from live‑sounding instruments: fingerpicked guitars, double bass, piano, subtle percussion and tasteful string arrangements. This stripped‑back aesthetic allows the lyrics to move away from Black Midi’s often surreal narratives toward more direct, everyday subjects. For instance, the opening track “Target Practice” retains a hint of the band’s dark humor, while “Love Story” paints a nostalgic picture of a couple cooking together, and “Opposite Teacher” reflects on the challenges of fatherhood.Even within this quieter framework, Picton injects moments of tension. The second track, “In the Blink of an Eye,” introduces dissonant chords that remind listeners that “understated” is a relative term for an artist accustomed to sonic extremes. Throughout, the songs remain episodic, with sudden key changes and tempo shifts that echo the restless spirit of Van Dyke Parks’ 1967 Song Cycle—a collaboration Picton initially pursued before budget constraints halted the partnership.Highlights such as “Heart of Darkness” weave together folk‑rock riffs, jazzy drumming and an improvised coda of feedback‑like strings, while “Actress” balances sweet melodies with dramatic pauses and volume surges, ending more as a gradual fade than a conventional finish.Compared with Black Midi’s recent releases—most notably the chaotic, genre‑bending Hellfire and Geordie Greep’s solo effort The New Sound—Picton’s debut feels more approachable without sacrificing artistic curiosity. The album’s constant motion is contained by its acoustic instrumentation, making it easier to love rather than merely admire. It resists standard song structures, defies easy categorisation, and showcases a plethora of unconventional musical ideas, all while wearing its intelligence with a lighter touch.

From the world’s smallest footballing nation – a population of just 45,319 – the American Samoa women entered the 2026 World Cup qualifiers ranked 153rd, the lowest spot in the global rankings.Team captain Alma Mana’o describes the squad as a close‑knit family, noting that several sets of sisters play together and that the Mana’o family holds the record for the most relatives to appear at FIFA events.In November, the side faced Tonga, the tournament’s highest‑ranked opponent. 18‑year‑old Cassidy Drago etched her name into Samoan folklore by netting the nation’s first ever goal in women’s World Cup qualifying, followed quickly by a second, sealing a 3‑0 victory. The momentum continued with a win over the Cook Islands, cementing their reputation as genuine upset‑makers.The second round seemed to promise a return to reality when the Solomon Islands – 80 places above them in the rankings and 2025 Pacific Nations Cup champions – thrashed American Samoa 7‑1 in an Olympic qualifier. Yet, just 90 minutes later, the Samoans produced one of the competition’s most astonishing results: a 1‑0 win over the same opponents.That triumph was followed by another narrow victory, 1‑0 against neighbouring Samoa, securing a place in the final OFC qualifying round and completing the team’s evolution “from underdog to dark horse,” as Mana’o puts it.Looking ahead, American Samoa will meet Papua New Guinea in Auckland – the venue of their inaugural women’s international match 28 years ago. The squad now benefits from the guidance of Amanda Cromwell, the 1996 U.S. Olympic gold‑medal‑winning coach, who has overseen four wins in five games. Mana’o credits Cromwell with professionalising the program, from nutrition plans to dedicated training staff, and says the new standards will become the norm.Mana’o herself broke ground as the first “off‑island” player in 2011 at age 15, enduring an 8‑0 debut loss. Today she celebrates a new generation of teenagers, such as Mia Toeaina and Naiyah Ve’e, who are experiencing a vastly different, more positive football environment.

A British warship together with a Royal Air Force P‑8 maritime patrol aircraft monitored three Russian submarines that were trying to survey key undersea infrastructure in the North Atlantic, the defence secretary John Healey said at a Downing Street briefing.Healey explained that the operation, which lasted **over a month**, took place not within UK territorial waters but in the country's exclusive economic zone – the area extending up to 200 nautical miles from the coastline and bordering neighbouring zones.The Russian vessels comprised an Akula‑class nuclear‑powered submarine and two deep‑sea research submarines from the GUGI directorate, a unit that normally conducts peacetime surveys of underwater infrastructure but possesses the capability to damage it in conflict.According to the minister, the British forces tracked and deterred any malign activity around the submarines 24/7, deploying regular sonar buoys to demonstrate continuous monitoring. The presence of the Royal Navy ship and the P‑8 aircraft, supported by NATO allies, left the Russian crews with “no doubt that they were being watched”.As a result, the Akula submarine “retreated home” and the two GUGI subs subsequently exited the UK’s maritime zone, heading northward. The operation involved **about 500 UK personnel**.Healey stressed that there was **no evidence of damage** to any pipelines or cables, but that UK forces and allies would verify the integrity of the infrastructure. He warned President Putin that any attempt to sabotage the network would “not be tolerated and will have serious consequences”.The defence secretary framed the incident as proof that Moscow is “the primary threat to the UK and to NATO”, underscoring the need for heightened vigilance over undersea assets amid the broader security fallout from the Ukraine war and recent tensions in the Middle East.He also linked the episode to broader defence policy, stating that the successful deterrence demonstrates the UK’s ability to detect, deter and, if necessary, respond to threats against its critical maritime infrastructure, while calling for continued investment in defence capabilities.

The Confederation of African Football (CAF) chief Patrice Motsepe arrived in Dakar this week, marking his first visit to Senegal since the body’s controversial decision to strip the nation of its Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) crown and hand it to Morocco.Motsepe announced the itinerary at the end of March, pledging to meet leaders in both countries to stress the need for "working together to grow African football" as CAF confronts mounting criticism.President Bassirou Diomaye Faye is scheduled to receive Motsepe at the presidential palace, followed by a joint news conference intended to calm tensions.The visit comes in the wake of CAF’s surprise reversal of the January 18 final, where Senegal had defeated hosts Morocco 1‑0. Citing a breach of regulations concerning players leaving the field, CAF retroactively recorded a 3‑0 victory for Morocco on March 17.During the match in Rabat, Senegal’s squad, head coach Pape Thiaw and staff walked off after Morocco were awarded an added‑time penalty, which forward Brahim Diaz ultimately missed.In response, the Senegalese Football Federation lodged an appeal with the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS), while the Senegalese government demanded an international probe into alleged corruption within CAF.Motsepe, speaking late last month, affirmed that he would respect and implement the CAS ruling, adding that his personal view on the matter was “irrelevant.”

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

During Donald Trump’s January 2025 inauguration, Giorgia Meloni was the only European leader invited, underscoring a brief period of close personal and diplomatic ties between Italy’s right‑wing government and the new U.S. administration. A month earlier she had been photographed sharing a private conversation with Trump at the Élysée Palace while President Emmanuel Macron celebrated the reopening of Notre‑Dame. From the outset of Trump’s second term, the Italian premier was hailed by the U.S. president as a “real live wire” and the European ally who could help “straighten out the world.” Meloni embraced the role, describing Trump as a “brilliant man” and promising to "make the West great again" together. That camaraderie has now eroded. In the wake of the US‑Israeli military action against Iran, Meloni told reporters during a Gulf‑region visit that "when we don’t agree, we must say it", explicitly rejecting the war. Her stance was reinforced a week earlier when Italy denied U.S. bombers permission to refuel at a southern base. Political analysts note that Meloni’s shift marks a decisive break from Trump’s agenda. Roberto D’Alimonte, a political‑science professor at Luiss University, warned that her earlier attempt to act as a bridge between Trump and European allies has become a “liability” she now seeks to repair. Public opinion reflects the change. Recent polls show a solid majority of Italians oppose the Iran war, and support for Trump in Italy has plunged from 35 % to just 19 %. The backlash also manifested in a recent referendum on judicial reform, where 61 % of voters aged 18‑34 rejected Meloni’s proposal—a defeat analysts link more to dissatisfaction with her foreign‑policy alignment than to the reform itself. Beyond politics, the conflict threatens Italy’s economy. As the EU’s second‑largest natural‑gas consumer—accounting for roughly 40 % of its energy mix—Italy is feeling the impact of soaring energy prices caused by the near‑total shutdown of traffic through the Strait of Hormuz. The Bank of Italy now projects only a 0.5 % growth rate for 2026‑27, down from earlier forecasts, while the national statistics office reported that Italy’s fiscal deficit has breached the EU’s 3 % ceiling, limiting fiscal flexibility ahead of next year’s elections. Despite these pressures, Meloni has not completely abandoned the United States. In March she declined Trump’s request to dispatch Italian warships to the Strait of Hormuz, aligning with other European nations, yet she stopped short of condemning the US‑led operation outright. Experts argue that Meloni’s approach is deliberately cautious. “She is pragmatic and politically skilled,” D’Alimonte said. “She will continue to balance criticism of Trump’s aggressive foreign policy with the need to preserve strategic ties, moving step‑by‑step toward a stronger European alignment without burning bridges.”

In a revealing glimpse of the club’s ironclad exclusivity, a 2019 iMessage exchange shows Jeffrey Epstein pleading with Steve Bannon to secure a membership for Paul, Weiss partner Brad Karp. Bannon dismissed the request, describing Augusta’s governing families as "crackers" from the Old South who distrust lawyers and bankers, underscoring the club’s cultural gatekeeping. That anecdote illustrates a broader truth: money alone cannot buy entry to the Masters. Even former President Donald Trump has never been able to force his way onto the Augusta grounds, a rarity among high‑profile U.S. sporting events. Traditionally, most tickets are allocated to lifelong local patrons, a practice that has been frozen since the 1970s. The only official avenue for the public is an annual lottery, where the odds are so slim they make Tiger Woods’ chances of a sixth Green Jacket look generous. In practice, however, a lucrative secondary market emerged, with scalpers selling tickets for up to 50 times face value and operating just outside the 2,700‑foot anti‑scalping boundary mandated by Georgia law. Last year’s Masters turned into a "bloodbath" for the resale industry. An executive from a local hospitality firm reported that around 200 ticket holders were denied entry after the club began rigorously enforcing its anti‑scalping policy. Patrons were sometimes escorted to a room, asked for identification, and interrogated about how they obtained their tickets – a process likened to a police stop. According to insiders, the club’s four‑day tickets now contain RFID chips that allow staff to track each badge’s location nightly. The embedded barcodes allegedly store the buyer’s address, enabling staff to pinpoint resale activity. Some reports claim the club is even purchasing resale tickets en masse to uncover the identities of sellers, then sending a politely worded letter that permanently bans the recipient from the grounds. Ticket platforms have felt the impact. StubHub has introduced a new contract that makes sellers fully liable for any fees or charges if a buyer is turned away, while SeatGeek has ceased offering Masters tickets altogether. This decisive move by Augusta National signals a broader shift in how elite sports events manage secondary markets. Ultimately, the crackdown serves a dual purpose: protecting the club’s brand integrity and reinforcing its reputation as an institution that remains untouched by even the most powerful political figures. As the Masters approaches, the message is clear – the only way onto Augusta’s hallowed fairways is through its own tightly‑controlled channels, not through the influence of money, politics, or the resale trade.

Arthur Rosenfeld, 73, and Meryl Tankard, 70, open the performance by introducing themselves as “sprightly old geezers,” setting a tone of candid humor that runs through the evening. The production, ‘Kontakthof – Echoes of 78,’ is a fresh staging of Pina Bausch’s iconic 1978 work, now re‑imagined by Australian choreographer Meryl Tankard. Unlike the 2010 London run that split the piece between teenagers and senior amateurs, this rendition features the eight surviving members of the original cast—all now in their late sixties to early eighties—performing the very roles they created half a century ago. A ninth dancer was absent due to illness. Their live movements are mirrored on a large screen by the black‑and‑white film of the 1978 performance, creating a visual palimpsest where past and present dance together. The choreography, set to 1930s dance‑hall songs, remains a wry commentary on courtship, power dynamics and consent. Tankard’s direction emphasizes the passage of time, allowing audiences to witness the same steps executed by bodies that have aged, yet retain a striking vitality. Dancers such as Josephine Ann Endicott, now in her seventies, glide across the stage in silk dresses, their frames more fragile but their confidence undiminished. Moments of poignancy arise when the film shows cast members who have since passed away. Onstage, John Giffin reaches for his late partner’s face, only to grasp empty air—a visual metaphor for loss that resonated deeply with the audience. Personal revelations punctuate the performance: Beatrice Libonati, 71, describes herself as “paranoid and a misanthrope,” while Tankard admits, “I wish I’d had children; I miss my mother every day,” underscoring the undercurrent of longing that runs through the piece. Beyond its narrative, the production offers a meditation on continuity. Bausch’s signature walking patterns—slow circles and linear traverses—are repeated, suggesting that despite changing bodies, the human species continues to tread familiar social routes. The music, unchanged from the original, carries on until the final dancer pauses, symbolising the inevitable end of the dance of life. The show runs at Sadler’s Wells, London through 11 April, offering a rare glimpse into how art can bridge generations and celebrate the endurance of the human spirit.

Turkey has emerged as the world’s most aggressive adopter of grid‑scale battery storage, with more than 33 GW approved since 2022, according to a new Ember analysis. That figure dwarfs the total planned and operational capacity of leading EU nations such as Germany and Italy, which together sit at roughly 12‑13 GW.The surge reflects a 2022 mandate that grants preferential grid access to renewable projects that pair generation with an equal amount of storage. Of the 221 GW of battery projects submitted, Turkey has green‑lit 33 GW—equivalent to about 83% of its current wind and solar capacity. Only Romania in the EU shows a higher storage‑to‑renewable ratio.Policy analyst Ufuk Alparslan of Ember described the move as a “massive investment signal” that could make Turkey the backbone of a new, clean regional energy hub, especially ahead of the Cop31 climate summit in Antalya this November.Cost declines have been a key catalyst: the price of solar panels and battery packs has fallen by nearly 90% over the past decade, unlocking affordable, reliable power for countries in the global south. University of Wisconsin‑Madison researcher Greg Nemet noted that this price plunge creates “a tremendous opportunity for a cheap, clean and reliable energy system.”Despite the battery boom, Turkey’s energy mix remains heavily coal‑dependent, with coal accounting for 34% of electricity generation last year. The nation generates roughly one‑fifth of its power from wind and solar—higher than any Middle Eastern or Central Asian country but still below the European average.Turkey aims to boost installed wind and solar capacity to 120 GW by 2035, up from the current 40 GW. However, the 6.5 GW added in the most recent year fell short of the 8 GW needed to stay on track, highlighting implementation challenges.Alparslan cautioned that the ambitious battery pipeline faces hurdles, including permit bottlenecks and reliance on volatile spot‑market electricity prices. Moreover, Turkey’s extensive hydropower resources lessen the immediate need for large‑scale batteries compared with many European states.Nevertheless, the country’s decisive policy stance sends a clear message: even as the global fossil‑fuel crisis intensifies—exacerbated by geopolitical tensions such as the Iran‑Hormuz conflict—Turkey is positioning itself at the forefront of the clean‑energy transition.