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Donald Trump’s demand that Iran reopen the Strait of Hormuz has an immediate impact on U.S. gasoline prices, but analysts warn that a prolonged conflict will push energy costs higher across the globe, far beyond the fuel pump. Systemic increases in power prices and disrupted supply chains are set to compress margins for industries worldwide; in the United States, the effect could be especially damaging to the fragile economics of the AI boom. Oil‑importing nations in the Global South are already feeling the strain: Egypt has imposed curfews, Indonesia is trialling work‑from‑home Fridays, and the Philippines has declared a national energy emergency. While the United States, as a major oil exporter, can partially insulate itself, the country cannot escape the global rise in energy costs. Experts predict that price pressure will linger for months even if the strait reopens within days. Companies are revisiting cash‑flow forecasts, and the AI sector—characterised by energy‑intensive model training and debt‑laden expansion—faces a particularly acute risk. OpenAI chief Sam Altman attempted to downplay environmental concerns, likening the energy required to train an AI model to the cumulative food intake over a human’s 20‑year development. The Bank of England’s Financial Policy Committee warned that rising energy costs could depress AI share prices, noting that investors were already uneasy about the sector’s heavy reliance on debt financing and uncertain return prospects before the war began. "The conflict could increase these concerns, particularly given the energy‑intensive nature of the supply chain for key components and the operation of datacentres," the committee said. World Trade Organization chief economist Robert Staiger echoed this view, cautioning that a prolonged period of high energy prices could "crimp" AI investment. He highlighted that AI‑related goods accounted for 70% of U.S. investment growth in the first three‑quarters of last year. A forensic note from US law firm Quinn Emanuel revealed that the AI sector generated roughly $60 billion in revenue last year while committing $400 billion to capital expenditure. The financing structure mirrors the 2008 crisis, with off‑balance‑sheet special purpose vehicles and asset‑backed securities playing a central role. Leading "hyperscalers" and infrastructure providers such as CoreWeave are borrowing enormous sums to build out datacentres, although some analysts argue that many projects lag behind their lofty promises. Much of this borrowing comes from private‑credit lenders, making total liabilities opaque and challenging for regulators—an issue the Bank of England has repeatedly flagged. Complex financing arrangements see datacentres owned by special purpose vehicles, debt pooled and sold to pension funds, and other layered structures that obscure true exposure. Quinn Emanuel estimates that $120 billion of datacentre debt has been moved off‑balance sheets in the past two years. The firm warns that distress at any single node could cascade through the tightly interconnected AI ecosystem. Extended higher energy costs, combined with volatile interest rates and weaker consumer demand—both likely fallout from the Middle East war—could trigger that distress. The fundamental question remains: can the AI sector generate sufficient revenue to justify its sky‑high valuations? Even modest energy price hikes may force a market rethink, with potential spill‑over effects across U.S. markets and beyond. As the article concludes, the economic fallout may be yet another unintended consequence of Trump’s aggressive stance on Iran, unleashing forces beyond his control.

A recent experiment with an autonomous AI agent, named Gaskell, has provided a glimpse into the capabilities and limitations of these emerging technologies. Gaskell, created by a team of individuals, was tasked with organizing a party in Manchester, which the author attended.Gaskell's autonomous nature was put to the test as it interacted with potential sponsors and event staff, showcasing both impressive abilities and significant limitations. The AI agent was able to secure a venue, arrange for catering, and even attempt to negotiate with vendors, although it ultimately failed to deliver on some promises, such as ordering pizza.The event itself was surprisingly ordinary, with around 50 attendees engaging in discussions about AI over beers and snacks. Despite some initial missteps, including a failed attempt to secure a venue at the Manchester Art Gallery, Gaskell's human employees were able to step in and ensure the event's success.Gaskell's limitations were evident in its inability to use a phone or credit card, highlighting the current constraints of autonomous AI agents. However, the experiment also demonstrated the potential for these technologies to autonomously manage complex tasks and interact with humans in meaningful ways.The author notes that Gaskell's capabilities, although imperfect, represent a significant step forward in AI development, and that similar experiments are likely to become more common in the future.

Even before the season began, the fixture list hinted that March would become a turning point for Newcastle United. A run to the Champions League quarter‑finals and a victory in the Tyne‑Wear derby could have silenced many critics, while a third Carabao Cup final would have forced the derby’s postponement. In the Champions League round‑of‑16, Newcastle appeared stronger at home against Barcelona, only to be undone by a late penalty. The away leg saw them threaten early on, but a second‑half collapse resulted in a 7‑2 defeat, widening the perceived gap between the sides. The derby itself illustrated the team’s frailties. Newcastle led at halftime and struck the post, yet they finished with the fifth‑worst second‑half record in the Premier League. Sunderland equalised through Brian Brobbey, fed by a simple Granit Xhaka pass, exploiting the space that Newcastle’s midfield surrendered late in the game. These setbacks have sparked serious speculation about manager Eddie Howe’s future. Chief executive David Hopkinson offered no clear endorsement, stating only that “we’ll talk about the future when it’s time,” a comment that many interpreted as a warning. Howe arrived in November 2021, a month after the Saudi‑led acquisition of the club, and quickly guided Newcastle into the modern era: two Champions League qualifications, a historic Carabao Cup triumph – the first domestic trophy in 70 years – and a generally steady league performance. Until last season, there was little talk of his dismissal. However, the current crisis is less about tactics than about recruitment. With no sporting director, Howe’s nephew Andy Howe and scout Steve Nickson oversaw most signings last summer, a structure that has drawn criticism. The sale of Alexander Isak to Liverpool was widely regarded as mishandled. The club allowed the protracted saga to dominate the window, missing an opportunity to maximise the fee and reinvest in squad depth, or to negotiate a swap that could have brought Hugo Ekitiké to Newcastle. Summer acquisitions have added little stability. While Sandro Tonali, Anthony Gordon and Tino Livramento are rumored to be on their way out, Yoane Wissa suffered an early injury and new signing Nick Woltemade arrived without a clear role. Of the incoming players, only Malick Thiaw has made a noticeable impact. Consequently, the squad lacks the depth required for simultaneous Champions League commitments, a Carabao Cup semi‑final run, and a fifth‑round FA Cup tie. The fatigue evident in many second‑half performances is therefore unsurprising. Underlying these on‑field issues are broader structural problems. Dan Ashworth’s departure for Manchester United left a void that successor Paul Mitchell could not fill; his exit after clashes with ownership – and reportedly with Howe over player conditioning – created a leadership vacuum. Ross Wilson, appointed sporting director in October with Howe’s blessing, now faces the daunting task of rebuilding a fragmented recruitment process. Financial pressures add another layer of complexity. The recent sale of the stadium to a club subsidiary, coupled with a looming UEFA fine for 2025, has strained resources. While the Champions League revenue and the Isak transfer may alleviate some of the strain, the shift to an “unanchored” squad‑cost ratio favours owners with deep pockets, leaving the club’s commitment from the Public Investment Fund uncertain amid broader Saudi retrenchment. Notably, discussions of a new stadium have been absent for almost a year. Hopkinson’s description of Newcastle as a “trading club” appears realistic, yet his remarks also hint at an upcoming exodus of players such as Tonali, Gordon and Livramento. Even if the broader economic climate softens, the likely absence of Champions League football next season could further limit Newcastle’s ability to attract top talent. Ultimately, the core issue is governance. While Howe’s tactical acumen may improve without the demands of European competition, the club’s ambition to become a modern, well‑structured organisation may require a change in leadership. His departure could be the catalyst needed for a comprehensive cultural and structural overhaul.

When President Donald Trump inaugurated Operation Epic Fury with Israel on 28 February, his administration outlined broad goals: neutralise Iran’s missile programme, cripple its navy and prevent a nuclear breakout. Within a month those objectives morphed, expanded and at times directly contradicted each other. On 29 March, aboard Air Force One, Trump told reporters that Iran had accepted most of Washington’s 15‑point demand list, conveyed through Pakistan, and even shipped oil to the United States as a goodwill gesture. In the same interview he floated the idea of seizing Kharg Island—the hub for 90 % of Iran’s oil exports—stating, “maybe we take Kharg Island, maybe we don’t. We have a lot of options.” The following day, 30 March, Trump posted on Truth Social that the United States was in “serious discussions with a new, more reasonable regime” in Tehran and claimed “great progress.” He simultaneously warned that, absent a swift deal, the U.S. would destroy Iran’s power plants, oil wells, Kharg Island and even its desalination facilities, and would force the Strait of Hormuz to reopen immediately. By 31 March, with U.S. gasoline prices climbing above $4 per gallon, Trump hinted at a rapid withdrawal, saying the U.S. would leave Iran “within two or three weeks.” He told European allies that if they needed oil or gas they could “go up through the Hormuz Strait” on their own, and rebuked the United Kingdom for not standing up for itself. On 1 April, Trump claimed on Truth Social that Iran’s new leadership had requested a U.S. cease‑fire, but only after the Hormuz Strait was “open, free, and clear.” He reiterated that the war was “not about oil,” yet threatened to blast Iran’s electric grid “back to the stone ages.” Iran’s foreign ministry dismissed the cease‑fire request as “false and baseless,” and the Revolutionary Guard warned the strait remained under its control. Following a U.S.–Israeli strike that demolished a bridge between Tehran and Karaj on 2 April, Trump posted that the next targets would be “bridges, then electric power plants,” signalling an escalation despite earlier talk of withdrawal. Finally, on 3 April, he suggested that reopening Hormuz and seizing Iranian oil could become a “gusher for the world,” a stark reversal of his earlier assertion that the conflict had nothing to do with oil. These rapid shifts illustrate a pattern of policy flip‑flopping that complicates diplomatic efforts, fuels market uncertainty, and raises questions about the strategic coherence of the U.S. approach to the Iran war.

Burkina Faso's military leader, Ibrahim Traore, has made a striking statement, urging citizens to 'forget about democracy'. This declaration comes just three months after his government dissolved all political parties in the West African nation.In a lengthy interview on state television, Traore referenced Libya as an example where outsiders attempted to impose democracy but failed. He claimed that democracy 'kills' and equates it with slavery.Traore's government has been distancing itself from initial promises to restore democratic governance. He seized power in September 2022, following a military coup that overthrew the democratically elected government of President Roch Marc Kabore.The military government had promised to combat al-Qaeda and ISIL-linked armed groups but the country continues to face repeated attacks, with hundreds of thousands of civilians displaced.Traore initially promised elections in 2024 but later reneged, stating they would only be held when all parts of Burkina Faso are safe for voting.In January, Traore's government scrapped over 100 political parties and seized their assets. Parliament and political activity were previously suspended, and the Independent National Electoral Commission was dissolved in July 2025.Analysts have raised concerns about the government's targeting of institutions, including the media and judiciary. Journalists, political opposition leaders, and prosecutors critical of the military government have been forcibly conscripted and sent to the front lines.Burkina Faso, along with neighboring military governments in Niger and Mali, exited the regional Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) bloc to form their own Alliance of Sahel States (AES) last January.The country has turned to Russian paramilitary fighters after evicting former colonial power, France, which had deployed some 5,000 soldiers to help fight armed groups in the Sahel region.Violence in Burkina Faso has continued to escalate, with fatalities tripling in the three years since Traore took power, reaching 17,775 by last May. Most of those killed were civilians, many by government forces and allied militias.

The ongoing conflict between Iran and the US-Israeli alliance has sent shockwaves through global oil markets, with Brent crude prices surging 5% to $106.16 per barrel on Thursday morning. Despite being heavily reliant on Iranian oil, China appears to have largely insulated itself from the crisis.China's strategy involves utilizing 'teapot refineries,' small, privately owned oil refineries primarily based in Shandong province. These facilities have been importing discounted Iranian and Russian oil, accounting for one-quarter of China's processing capacity. This approach allows China to circumvent US sanctions and maintain a stable oil supply.China's teapot refineries have been stockpiling oil reserves, providing a buffer against potential supply disruptions. According to Muyu Xu, a senior crude oil analyst at Kpler, China's seaborne crude imports in March stood at 10.19 million barrels per day (mbd), down from 11.51mbd in February but still in line with the 2025 average of 10.41mbd.The US has previously imposed sanctions on some of these teapot refineries for importing Iranian oil. However, China's tolerance of this independent system has proved strategically useful, allowing the country to maintain a flexible buffer for bargain barrels during crises.Experts note that while China's measures will not completely immunize the country from rising fuel prices, they do provide Beijing with more flexibility to survive a crisis compared with other nations. China's approach involves aggressive stockpiling, tolerating shadow networks, and keeping flexible buffers, demonstrating its preparedness for energy shocks.

Bath’s historic Farleigh House training centre has been spruced up this week with black flags fluttering alongside a new “Choose Greatness” banner, signalling the club’s ambition as they approach a Champions Cup last‑16 tie with Saracens. For Max Ojomoh, the atmosphere feels like a personal challenge. Just weeks after collecting the Man of the Match award for his decisive performance against Argentina, the 25‑year‑old found himself omitted from Steve Borthwick’s Six Nations squad. Ojomoh believes that a dominant display for Bath – especially after the 62‑15 demolition of Saracens in the Premiership – could revive his England prospects, but he also acknowledges that national selectors may have a specific back‑line profile in mind for the upcoming World Cup. Reflecting on his Argentina heroics, Ojomoh said, “If that was my final Test, I’m happy to have left a mark on international rugby.” Yet the disappointment of watching England lose to Ireland from a Moroccan pub underscores how close the margins are for a player on the fringe. He explained the selection dilemma: with centre Ollie Lawrence returning from injury, the squad needed a more physical ball‑carrier, and Ojomoh’s role as a second‑receiver/playmaker meant he was the one to make way. England’s coaching staff have asked him to sharpen three key areas – post‑contact metres, defensive intensity and overall work‑rate. While these are valid targets, Ojomoh points out that few English centres combine his blend of pace, vision and creative kicking. Back at Bath, his partnership with newly‑signed Finn Russell has blossomed. “When we signed Finn, I didn’t expect us to think alike on attack,” Ojomoh remarked, highlighting a shared instinct that fuels his confidence. Coach Johann van Graan’s influence is evident, with the club’s motivational signage and a focused training environment that Ojomoh describes as “single‑minded”. He hopes the upcoming match will provide a platform for a first home Champions Cup quarter‑final since 2002. Family wisdom also plays a role; his father, former England centre Steve Ojomoh, reminded him that “the cream always rises to the top”. With a business degree from the University of Bath and a hobby of online chess, the younger Ojomoh is aware that consistent club performances could shift national perception. Looking ahead, Ojomoh is determined to make the 2027 World Cup squad. He admits that obsession over selection can be self‑destructive, emphasizing the need for mental clarity and playing with the same confidence he shows in his head. As Bath prepares for the high‑stakes clash with Saracens, Ojomoh’s mantra remains clear: choose greatness, stay true to his strengths, and let his on‑field X‑factor speak for itself.

Pakistan reaffirmed its commitment to steer the United States and Iran back to the negotiating table, even as it faces "obstacles" that were not disclosed by Foreign Office spokesperson Tahir Andrabi during a weekly briefing in Islamabad.The statement came hours after U.S. President Donald Trump warned he would bomb Iran "back to the Stone Ages" if Tehran rejected Washington’s peace terms, underscoring the volatile backdrop to Pakistan’s diplomatic push.Andrabi emphasized that Pakistan will continue to "promote facilitation and dialogue" and is working to create conditions for meaningful negotiations among relevant stakeholders. He noted that both Washington and Tehran view Pakistan as a neutral intermediary.In a tangible sign of confidence, Iran has permitted 20 Pakistani‑flagged vessels to transit the Strait of Hormuz. Andrabi described this as "a harbinger of peace" and a positive step for regional stability, though he did not confirm whether any ships have already sailed.The Hormuz corridor has been largely blocked since Iran curtailed oil and gas shipments after the outbreak of the US‑Israel‑Iran conflict on February 28, driving up energy prices and straining economies across the region.High‑level contact between Islamabad and Tehran continues. Andrabi cited a March 28 call between Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, during which both leaders stressed the need to "build trust" and praised Pakistan’s "supportive role for peace".Regional diplomacy intensified after Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar returned from Beijing, where he met Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi. The two sides produced a joint five‑point initiative calling for an immediate ceasefire, urgent diplomatic engagement, and the restoration of normal maritime traffic through the Strait of Hormuz.Andrabi said the China‑Pakistan proposal has been shared with the United States, Iran and other stakeholders, receiving appreciation "across the region and beyond". The plan aligns with outcomes from a four‑nation ministerial meeting in Islamabad that included Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Egypt.Despite a hairline fracture sustained during the Islamabad talks, Dar travelled to Beijing, underscoring Pakistan’s strategic partnership with China. He later announced that Pakistan is ready to host direct US‑Iran negotiations in the coming days, a proposal reiterated by Andrabi at the briefing.While Pakistan positions itself as a facilitator, Andrabi acknowledged that Iran has so far limited mediation to indirect messages and has not committed to direct talks, stating, "Iran, as a sovereign country, determines its own policies."In a separate diplomatic track, Pakistan sent senior officials to Urumqi, China, for discussions with Afghanistan – the first substantive contact since Islamabad launched cross‑border strikes in late February. Andrabi stressed that Afghanistan must demonstrate "visible and verifiable actions" against terrorist groups operating from its territory.Pakistan continues its Operation Ghazab lil‑Haq, launched on February 26 to target terrorist sanctuaries in Afghanistan after alleged cross‑border fire from Taliban forces. Following a five‑day Eid‑ul‑Fitr pause, the operation remains ongoing.Islamabad accuses the Taliban‑run Kabul government of allowing the Tehrik‑i‑Taliban Pakistan (TTP) to use Afghan soil for attacks inside Pakistan, a claim the Afghan side denies. China has also facilitated Pakistan‑Afghanistan engagement, hosting meetings in Beijing and Kabul earlier in the year.

Japan and Australia, the finalists of the Women's Asian Cup, have renewed calls for equal prize money with the men's tournament, directly challenging the Asian Football Confederation (AFC). The governing body has been accused of 'ignoring' previous requests.The Women's Asian Cup concluded with a historic final match between Japan and Australia, with Japan winning 1-0 in Sydney on March 21 before a record crowd of over 74,000 fans. The tournament itself made global headlines after seven members of the Iran squad sought asylum in Australia, citing 'traitor' labels at home for refusing to sing the national anthem.The $1.8m prize fund for the Women's Asian Cup is the same as in 2022, but significantly lower than the $14.8m on offer at the men's equivalent. A report by FIFPRO, the global footballers' union, indicated that the event could generate up to $82.4m in revenue. A record 350,000 fans attended the tournament during its three-week duration.In a joint statement released by FIFPRO, the Japan and Australia teams emphasized that despite the tournament's success, it remains the lowest-paying continental tournament in the world. They highlighted the significant inequality between the men's and women's game and called for equal prize money, which they believe would be 'transformational' for players and football communities across Asia.The statement also addressed the challenges faced by teams during the tournament, including the plight of the Iranian team and issues with equipment for India's players. The teams expect FIFA to honour its pledge of equal prize money for the 2027 FIFA Women's World Cup and will continue to fight for equality and respect for women players.In a related development, Japan sacked their coach, Nils Nielsen, just 12 days after their Asian Cup victory, citing his coaching style as 'lax' and 'lacking passion'.