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When the U.S. men’s national team (USMNT) arrived in France for the 1998 World Cup, 16 Major League Soccer (MLS) players featured in the 22‑man squad – a deliberate move by the fledgling league to showcase its talent after its 1996 launch.Since that high point, the MLS presence has steadily receded: the 2002 quarter‑final run averaged 5.4 MLS starters per match, 2006 fell to 3.33, 2010 to 2, and the 2022 tournament saw only oneno MLS players at all, a first since the league’s inception.The 2014 World Cup in Brazil was an outlier, with an average of 4.75 MLS starters across four matches. That spike reflected a brief MLS push to lure high‑profile Americans – Clint Dempsey from Tottenham and Michael Bradley from Roma – back to Seattle and Toronto.Looking ahead to the 2026 World Cup on home soil, the realistic outlook is that only two MLS players could start: goalkeeper Matt Freese (NYC FC) or, less likely, Matt Turner (New England Revolution), alongside veteran defender Tim Ream (Charlotte FC). Even head coach Mauricio Pochettino’s favored midfielder Diego Luna (Real Salt Lake) is unlikely to displace established stars such as Christian Pulisic, Weston McKennie or Malik Tillman.This contraction raises the question of whether the World Cup serves as a referendum on MLS’s quality. With the tournament split between the United States and Canada, the scarcity of MLS starters will be starkly visible, yet it does not mean the league’s influence has vanished.Indeed, the league’s impact now lies in its academy pipeline. Of the 27 players the Guardian’s US soccer desk identified as “on the squad” or “in contention,” 19 were products of MLS academies – up from 16 in the 2022 roster. Including Tim Weah’s brief stint with the New York Red Bulls youth set‑up would raise that figure to 20.The only non‑academy players are dual nationals who grew up abroad, with the notable exception of Christian Pulisic, who left the U.S. as a teenager to develop at Borussia Dortmund.Unlike 2014, MLS has not supplied any established national‑team regulars for the 2026 campaign (aside from Toronto FC’s Josh Sargent, whose World Cup chances appear slim). Consequently, American fans may not see the tournament’s stars on their local MLS pitches, a factor that could challenge fan‑base growth.Nevertheless, this aligns with MLS’s long‑term strategy: investing in the development of domestic youth and promising talent from the wider hemisphere rather than chasing marquee signings. The forthcoming USMNT may lack a pronounced MLS imprint on the field, but its DNA will still be rooted in the league’s developmental system.

The literary world was recently abuzz with the news that critically acclaimed author Helen DeWitt had declined a $175,000 Windham-Campbell prize due to its onerous promotional requirements. The prize, which aims to give recipients the financial freedom to focus on their work, came with obligations that DeWitt found unsustainable, including six to eight hours of filming.This decision has ignited a fierce debate about the pressures of self-promotion in the publishing industry and the challenges faced by authors who are unable to meet these demands due to disability, chronic illness, or other personal circumstances. DeWitt's stance has been praised by some as a principled refusal to play the self-promotion game, while others have criticized her as entitled or spoiled.The Windham-Campbell prize is one of the most prestigious literary awards, recognizing eight writers each year for their life's work. This year's winners include Gwendoline Riley, an author known for her nuanced explorations of family relationships. Riley's win is a testament to the prize's ability to shine a light on talented writers who may have been overlooked.The controversy surrounding DeWitt's decision highlights the precarious nature of a literary career. With average author earnings plummeting and the industry becoming increasingly professionalized, many writers are finding it difficult to make a living from their work. The emphasis on self-promotion can be particularly challenging for authors who are neurodivergent or have disabilities, as it can exacerbate existing difficulties.DeWitt's experience has sparked a wider conversation about the need for greater inclusivity and support in the publishing industry. As one author noted, the art world is ahead of publishing in terms of facilitating access and assistance for artists with disabilities. The industry must adapt to accommodate writers with diverse needs and ensure that opportunities are accessible to all, regardless of their abilities.In a surprising twist, DeWitt has since announced that she has received a $175,000 grant from a conservative university thinktank with no strings attached. This development has raised questions about the role of philanthropy in supporting literary talent and the complexities of author promotion in the modern publishing landscape.

The ongoing conflict in Iran has led to a significant increase in oil prices, with the world's top 100 oil and gas companies reaping enormous profits. In the first month of the war, these companies banked more than $30m every hour in unearned profit, according to exclusive analysis for the Guardian. This translates to estimated windfall profits of $23bn for the month of March, with Saudi Aramco, Gazprom, and ExxonMobil among the biggest beneficiaries.The surge in oil prices to an average of $100 (£74) a barrel has resulted in a substantial increase in profits for these companies. If the oil price continues to average $100, the companies are expected to make $234bn by the end of the year. The analysis uses data from a leading intelligence provider, Rystad Energy, analysed by Global Witness.The excess profits come from the pockets of ordinary people as they pay high prices to fill up their vehicles and power their homes, as well as from businesses incurring higher energy bills. Dozens of countries have cut fuel taxes to help struggling consumers, but this has resulted in reduced revenue for public services.Pressure is growing for windfall taxes on the war profits of oil and gas companies, with the European Commission considering a request from the finance ministers of Germany, Spain, Italy, Portugal, and Austria. The ministers argue that this would help ease the burden on the general public and finance temporary relief measures.Aramco is expected to make a war profit of $25.5bn in 2026 if the oil price averages $100. This is on top of the huge profits habitually made by the majority state-owned Saudi company – $250m a day between 2016 to 2023. ExxonMobil, which has a long record of denying climate change, will take in $11bn in unearned war profits in 2026 if the $100 price endures.The impact of the Iran war is likely to be long lasting, with the head of the International Energy Agency, Fatih Birol, describing it as the biggest shock ever to the global energy market. The UN's climate chief, Simon Stiell, warned that fossil fuel dependency is ripping away national security and sovereignty, and replacing it with subservience and rising costs.

The UK's Competition and Markets Authority (CMA) has fined the AA £4.2m and ordered the company to make payments to more than 80,000 learner drivers. The fine was imposed for not showing the full price of lessons at the time of booking, a practice known as 'drip pricing'.The CMA found that learner drivers were not shown the total price upfront when booking lessons online, which is required under UK consumer law. Instead, the driving schools were introducing a mandatory fee later in the process.Sarah Cardell, the chief executive of the CMA, stated: 'If a fee is mandatory, the law is clear: it must be included in the price from the very start – not added at checkout – so consumers always know what they need to pay.' The regulator said that the amount repaid to individual customers will vary depending on how many lessons they bought, but the average payout is expected to be about £9. The AA has cooperated with the CMA and admitted to breaking the law, which reduced the potential financial penalty by 40%.This is the first financial penalty the CMA has imposed for a breach of consumer law since being granted new powers to enable it to decide whether to take action rather than having to go through the courts.

In a move that has sparked widespread criticism, the Canadian government is pressing ahead with planned cuts to the Interim Federal Health Program (IFHP), which provides basic health coverage to refugees, asylum claimants, and others not covered by other healthcare programmes in Canada. The changes, announced in late January and set to come into effect on May 1, will require people receiving IFHP coverage to pay $4 per eligible prescription medication and 30 percent of the cost of supplemental services such as dental and vision care, and counselling.Critics argue that these co-payments can be prohibitively expensive for newcomers struggling to rebuild their lives in Canada amid soaring costs. Doctors and refugee rights advocates warn that the cuts could lead to increased suffering and expenditures in the long run, as vulnerable individuals may be deterred from seeking necessary care.“We want to make sure that we have a universal healthcare system, and we also don’t want a system that punches down against vulnerable people and migrants,” Dr. Ritika Goel, a Toronto-based family doctor, told Al Jazeera at a rally in downtown Toronto. “We want to support a system that provides care to everyone.”The Canadian government claims that the changes will help manage growing demand and keep the IFHP sustainable over the long term. However, the Office of the Parliamentary Budget Officer projects that the cost of the IFHP will continue to grow at an average of 11.2 percent annually through 2030.The cuts have drawn comparisons to a similar move in 2012, when then-Prime Minister Stephen Harper made cuts to the IFHP, prompting widespread protests and a legal challenge. In 2014, the Federal Court of Canada ruled that the curbs amounted to “cruel and unusual” treatment and violated the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has revised its global economic growth forecast downward to 3.1 percent this year, citing the impact of rising tensions between the United States and Iran on energy and food costs worldwide.The downgrade comes as Iran has retaliated against US and Israeli actions by closing the Strait of Hormuz, a critical chokepoint for oil and gas supplies, and attacking energy infrastructure in the region. This has driven up oil prices and squeezed oil and gas supplies, affecting countries reliant on these imports.The IMF's new forecast represents a slowdown from its earlier projection of 3.3 percent growth, made before the escalation of tensions. It also marks a decline from 3.4 percent growth in the previous year. The fund warns that some regions and countries will be hit harder than others.Iran's economic outlook saw one of the largest country-level revisions, with a forecast contraction of 6.1 percent in 2026, down from an initial small growth forecast. The IMF also cut GDP growth forecasts for Saudi Arabia from 4.5 percent to 3.1 percent.The IMF's Chief Economist, Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas, noted that the current hostilities in the Middle East pose significant policy trade-offs, including fighting inflation and preserving growth. The fund anticipates higher global inflation at 4.4 percent, up 0.6 percentage points from its January forecast.Experts warn that continued strains in the Strait of Hormuz could worsen inflationary pressures. For instance, a sustained $60 increase in gas prices above the average price could put the US firmly in recession territory.Oil prices have dropped on hopes of resumed talks between Iran and the US, with Brent crude futures falling to $95.02 per barrel and West Texas intermediate crude dropping to $91.84. However, prices remain much higher than before the Iran war.

On Tuesday, shipping data from LSEG and Kpler confirmed that at least three tankers entered the Gulf via the Strait of Hormuz, including the Panama‑flagged Peace Gulf, which is bound for Hamriyah port in the United Arab Emirates. Earlier that day, two U.S.–sanctioned vessels, the Rich Starry and the Elpis, also transited the waterway. Because none of these ships were destined for Iranian ports, they remain exempt from the U.S. blockade that began on Monday. The U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) announced that, as of 10 a.m. ET (14:00 GMT) on Monday, a naval blockade was in effect against all maritime traffic to and from Iranian ports, in line with the presidential order issued by former President Trump. The directive applies to "vessels of all nations" operating in Iranian coastal waters, including the Arabian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman. Tehran has warned of possible retaliation against ports in neighboring Gulf states. In response to the blockade, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) ordered every ship to follow a newly‑drawn navigation map that forces vessels to enter the strait north of Larak Island and exit south of it, citing the risk of anti‑ship mines in the former main traffic zone. Before the conflict, the strait functioned like a divided highway with two dedicated lanes—each about 3.2 km long—carrying roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil and gas shipments. The IRGC now classifies the original lanes as "restricted" and has effectively closed them. Ship traffic has collapsed by **more than 95 %** since the war began. Kpler’s tracking data shows that only **279 vessels** passed through the strait between Feb. 28 and Apr. 12, a stark contrast to the pre‑war average of around **100 ships per day**. Even after a cease‑fire took effect on Apr. 8, a mere **45 ships** have entered or exited the waterway. The disruption has left hundreds of tankers and other vessels stranded in the Gulf, slashing global oil and gas supplies by an estimated **20 %**—the largest fuel‑supply shock on record. Damage to Gulf energy infrastructure and the sharp reduction in shipments have pushed crude prices up by roughly **50 %**, with Asian importers bearing the brunt of the price spike. According to the same Kpler data, **22 ships** have been attacked in the Strait of Hormuz since the conflict started. The incidents are distributed as follows: eight in United Arab Emirates waters, six in Omani waters, two each in Iraqi and Qatari waters, and one each in Bahraini, Kuwaiti, Saudi and Iranian waters. These figures underscore the strategic vulnerability of the world’s most critical energy chokepoint and highlight how the combined effect of the U.S. naval blockade and Iran’s alternate routing has reshaped global shipping patterns and commodity markets.

In 2020, several nations—including the UK and India—announced ambitious bans on new internal‑combustion‑engine vehicles, while Norway already saw around 60% of new car sales being electric. Australia, however, remained on a different trajectory. Former Prime Minister Scott Morrison dismissed a Labor proposal for a non‑binding 50% electric‑vehicle target by 2030, claiming it would “end the weekend.” The Coalition ignored analyses suggesting that a robust emissions‑cut scheme could deliver a $14 billion net benefit by 2040, and later abandoned plans for an EV‑specific strategy. Five years on, the Albanese government has introduced a vehicle‑efficiency standard mandating annual reductions in average emissions from new cars. Though a long‑awaited move, the policy’s impact will be incremental rather than transformative. March saw a record number of Australians purchasing EVs, yet the market share remains modest—still under 15% of new car sales, up only slightly from 13% in 2025. With fuel prices soaring amid the Iran conflict, the majority of vehicles leaving showrooms are still powered by petrol or diesel, and many will stay on the road for the next 15‑20 years. One bright spot is the surge in second‑hand EV sales, which more than doubled last month despite a tiny baseline. Higher resale values are encouraging broader adoption by making electric cars financially accessible to a larger pool of buyers. Globally, electric vehicles accounted for roughly 25% of new car sales last year. In Australia, the price differential between comparable petrol and electric models averages around 20%, a significant barrier for many consumers. That gap is narrowing, and the potential savings for EV drivers are substantial. Data from energy analyst Simon Holmes à Court—using Amber electricity retailer figures—show that an EV can travel over 40 km per $1 of energy, whereas a conventional car manages less than 5 km per $1 of fuel. Amber’s own smart‑charging platform suggests the distance could reach 160 km per $1 under optimal conditions. Despite such evidence, Australian political discourse often struggles to envision a low‑fossil‑fuel future. Calls for expanded oil exploration, such as Queensland Premier David Crisafulli’s claim of a “sea of oil” in the Taroom trough, lack substantiation and would likely involve costly, long‑term development with uncertain returns. Compounding the issue, the mining sector—Australia’s biggest diesel consumer—receives a 52‑cent‑per‑litre rebate under a national fuel‑tax credit scheme, effectively subsidising over $1 billion annually for diesel use in coal mines. This incentive discourages investment in cleaner truck technologies, even as the safeguard mechanism attempts to curb emissions. Policy recommendations include tightening the vehicle‑efficiency standard to accelerate the shift toward cleaner cars, removing parallel‑import restrictions to boost the supply of affordable second‑hand EVs (as practiced in New Zealand), and reconsidering any road‑user charges on electric vehicles, which currently represent less than 2% of the total fleet. International examples offer guidance: China jump‑started its EV boom by issuing “green” licence plates and imposing hefty fees for fossil‑fuel plates, effectively raising the cost of owning a petrol car by up to $20,000. In sum, Australia’s delayed embrace of electric mobility not only hampers climate goals but also forfeits billions in economic gains. A decisive, well‑targeted policy overhaul could unlock significant consumer savings, reduce emissions, and align the nation with global EV trends.

The NAACP has filed a lawsuit against Elon Musk's artificial intelligence company, xAI, alleging that it has been illegally spewing toxic pollutants into Black neighborhoods near Memphis. The lawsuit claims that xAI's makeshift power plant in Southaven, Mississippi, has been operating without permits, violating the Clean Air Act.The suit, filed on Tuesday in Mississippi federal court, alleges that xAI has been polluting the surrounding historically Black communities by using dozens of methane gas generators without permits. The organization is seeking to force the company to stop operating its unpermitted turbines in Southaven.“All too often, big corporations like xAI treat our communities and families like obstacles to be pushed aside,” said Derrick Johnson, the president and CEO of the NAACP. “We will not allow xAI to get away with this.”xAI's datacenters, nicknamed “Colossus” and “Colossus II” by Musk, are massive facilities, with the latter occupying 1m sq ft in Memphis. They are located in Memphis's industrial zone and a few miles from residential neighborhoods that have long dealt with harmful pollution, including Boxtown, a neighborhood that was established by formerly enslaved people after emancipation in the 19th century.The lawsuit alleges xAI illegally installed and operated up to 27 gas turbines, each one the size of a large bus, to power the datacenters. Combined, they have the capacity to emit tons of harmful nitrogen oxides per year, along with toxic chemicals like formaldehyde, according to the Southern Environmental Law Center.xAI issued a statement in response to the lawsuit: “We take our commitment to the community and environment seriously. The temporary power generation units are operating in compliance with all applicable laws.” The company did not respond to questions about whether it will address the alleged violations listed in the lawsuit.Black residents still make up a large portion of the Memphis neighborhoods, which have faced higher rates of asthma and respiratory diseases as well as a lower life expectancy than other parts of the city. Studies have likewise shown these neighborhoods have a cancer risk that is four times the national average.