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The 70‑year‑old grandson of H. B. Reese, the man who created Reese’s Peanut Butter Cups, has publicly accused the $42 billion Hershey Company of quietly swapping the original milk‑chocolate and peanut‑butter formulas for cheaper compound coatings and “peanut‑butter‑style crèmes.”Brad Reese’s complaint, first aired on LinkedIn on Valentine’s Day, claims the confectionery giant has been “rewriting recipes” across flagship brands, a practice he describes as an “ingredient drift” that undermines both brand integrity and shareholder value.At a recent investor conference, Hershey announced it would restore the classic recipes for roughly 3 % of select products by next year, while insisting that the iconic Reese’s Peanut Butter Cups have never been altered.Chief Growth Officer Stacy Taffet explained that the company is “transitioning our sweets portfolio to colors from natural sources” and is committed to aligning all Hershey and Reese’s offerings with their historic milk‑ and dark‑chocolate formulas.Reese, however, dismissed the move as a “board‑level accountability problem,” arguing that the delayed rollout has already prompted shareholders to sell stock and that “your consumers are revolting.”In an interview with the New York Times, Reese labeled Hershey’s actions a “PR stunt,” insisting that a genuine commitment would mean an immediate return to the original recipes.Hershey counters that the recipe revisions are not a reaction to Reese’s criticism but stem from a strategic decision made after a 25 % increase in research and development spending aimed at talent, technology, and nutrition science.The dispute has taken on a personal dimension for Reese, who alleges the changes began after Hershey acquired the Reese’s brand in the 1960s. He recounts a recent taste test of Reese’s Unwrapped Chocolate Peanut Butter Creme Mini Hearts, stating, “I had to spit it out—it wasn’t real milk chocolate or real peanut butter.”Reese’s family, speaking to USA Today, clarified that his statements are his own and do not reflect the family’s view, adding that they continue to respect Hershey’s leadership and believe H. B. Reese would be proud of the brand’s current stewardship.Undeterred, Brad Reese retorted on LinkedIn that Hershey is “shooting the messenger,” accusing the company of managing perception rather than fixing the alleged product issues and warning that “the evidence chain isn’t going away.”

By the time head coach Jesse Marsch concluded the March international window, the clock was ticking toward April, leaving Canada with more questions than answers ahead of the 2026 World Cup. The Toronto friendly against Tunisia turned into an “odd” afternoon, with a sudden lightning delay pushing the match’s finish to 11 p.m. and forcing fans to follow the action on mobile devices while rain hammered the city. While many had imagined a Canada‑Italy opener after the December draw, the draw against Bosnia and Herzegovina proved a relief. Swapping a potential clash with the world’s 12th‑ranked side for a match against the 65th‑ranked Bosnia is now viewed as a fortunate turn, yet the Bosnian squad displayed a relentless mid‑press that tested Canada’s defensive organization. Bosnia’s pressing generated 30 shots and a torrent of crosses, with veteran striker Edin Džeko looming as a threat and young forwards Esmir Bajraktarević and Kerim Alajbegović showcasing high energy. Marsch noted, “These kids grew up in a war‑torn country; they have resilience that showed in the last week.” Defensive depth emerged as a glaring issue. Centre‑back Moïse Bombito returned to training but remains sidelined with a Nice injury, while regulars Alfie Jones, Derek Cornelius and Luc de Fougerolles were unavailable. MLS pair Joel Waterman and Kamal Miller displayed “ill‑timed jitters,” raising concerns about the back line’s stability. Offensively, Canada’s output was blunt. Across two matches only two Jonathan David penalties found the net; forwards Cyle Larin and Tani Oluwaseyi failed to create a decisive spark. Larin’s last goal for Canada came in October 2024, and Oluwaseyi has scored just two times in 22 caps. Moreover, the team has failed to score from open play in six of their last seven internationals, recording three 0‑0 draws on home soil. Amid the gloom, 22‑year‑old winger Marcelo Flores offered a glimpse of optimism. The former Tigres talent, recently cleared to represent Canada after switching from Mexico, dazzled with dribbles and quick pivots, prompting calls to elevate Juventus striker Promise David and position Flores in a more creative role. The final, lingering question concerns the starting goalkeeper for the June 12 opener. Marsch has oscillated between Maxime Crépeau and Dayne St Clair for two years, and injuries have prevented a decisive choice. Both keepers remain fit, leaving the coach “as close as it’s always been” to a decision. Predicted squad Goalkeepers: Dayne St Clair, Maxime Crépeau, Owen Goodman. Defenders: Moïse Bombito, Derek Cornelius, Luc de Fougerolles, Joel Waterman, Alistair Johnston, Niko Sigur, Richie Laryea, Alphonso Davies. Midfielders: Steph Eustaquio, Ismaël Kone, Mathieu Choinière, Nathan Saliba, Jonathan Osorio, Tajon Buchanan, Ali Ahmed, Liam Millar, Marcelo Flores, Jacob Shaffelburg. Forwards: Jonathan David, Cyle Larin, Tani Oluwaseyi, Daniel Jebbison, Promise David.

The Guardian’s investigation has revealed that the company responsible for the unauthorised partial felling of a 500‑year‑old oak in Whitewebbs Park, Enfield, was Ground Control, a maintenance business that reports a turnover of £190 million. The tree was cut down in September 2025 on behalf of Mitchells & Butler Retail (MBR), the owner of the Toby Carvery restaurant chain. MBR initially defended the action, claiming its contractor warned that the oak was diseased and posed a safety risk. However, a coalition of experts – including a Forest Commission investigator and ancient‑tree specialist Russell Miller – found the tree to be healthy with no imminent danger. Miller described the alleged “hazard” as an old, semi‑occluded wound that did not justify felling the entire tree. According to Dr. Ed Pyne of the Woodland Trust, the delay in identifying the contractor highlights a broader lack of transparency: "What evidence exists that the tree was dangerous? What qualifications did the operatives have?" He added that the justification for the removal remains unsubstantiated. Ground Control’s own documentation shows the work was assigned to its grounds‑maintenance team rather than its specialist arborists, a detail that fuels further criticism of MBR’s decision‑making process. Sources close to the firm say an internal review was conducted by a contracts manager, not a tree expert. Enfield Council, which owns the park, has launched legal action to evict Toby Carvery after MBR refused to apologise or offer compensation. The council also referred the incident to the police, but officers declined to investigate, deeming it a civil matter. Complicating the dispute, MBR is majority‑owned by investment group Enic, which holds strong financial ties to Tottenham Hotspur. The football club plans to develop a women’s training academy on 17 hectares adjacent to the park, a proposal opposed by the local campaign group Guardians of Whitewebbs. The group has secured a judicial review of the planning permission, set for June. In a statement last April, MBR asserted that its “specialist arboriculture contractors” deemed the split and dead wood a serious health‑and‑safety risk. A Toby Carvery spokesperson declined further comment, citing ongoing legal proceedings. The revelation of Ground Control’s involvement adds a new layer to the controversy, raising questions about corporate responsibility, environmental stewardship, and the adequacy of legal protections for historic trees in urban green spaces.

The 12‑member National Capital Planning Commission, the agency that reviews construction on federal sites in Washington, D.C., voted on Thursday to approve President Donald Trump’s proposal for a massive ballroom at the White House. The project envisions a 90,000‑square‑foot (8,400‑square‑metre) space on the site of the East Wing, which Trump ordered demolished in October. Commission chair Will Scharf, a former personal lawyer to the president, said the ballroom could eventually be regarded as a "national treasure" comparable to other iconic White House components. However, the approval comes at a time when a U.S. District Judge has blocked further work pending explicit congressional authorization. Judge Richard Leon warned that while the president is the steward of the White House for future First Families, he is not its owner, emphasizing that major construction projects require legislative consent. Trump responded on social media, insisting the ballroom is funded by private donations and that past White House projects never needed congressional approval. Financially, the ballroom’s estimated cost has ballooned to roughly $400 million, double the $200 million figure cited by the White House in July 2025. Trump has pledged to complete the venue before the end of his term in early 2029, relying on contributions from wealthy donors—a point critics argue could create undue influence over the administration. Public sentiment appears overwhelmingly negative. Democracy advocate Jon Golinger of Public Citizen remarked, "The American people have weighed in on this project, and they hate it." The commission’s vote was delayed from March after a surge of public comments, the majority of which opposed the construction. Despite the commission’s endorsement, the ballroom’s future remains uncertain. The judge’s ruling underscores that without a congressional green light, the project cannot legally move forward, setting the stage for a continued clash between the White House, lawmakers, and the public over the use of the nation’s most symbolic residence.

The US government shutdown affecting the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) will persist, despite the Senate passing a funding bill. The partial shutdown, which began on February 14, will continue until at least Monday, when the House of Representatives reconvenes.The stalemate centers on whether DHS should reform its immigration procedures, following criticism of President Donald Trump’s mass deportation push. Democrats have refused to pass funding to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and Customs and Border Protection (CBP) without reforms to their practices.The shutdown has had several knock-on effects, including airport delays and unpaid workers. DHS, which oversees the Transportation Security Administration (TSA), has seen its airport security agents go without pay for six weeks. With agents calling out sick or leaving their jobs, US airports have reported long lines and widespread travel delays.President Trump has endorsed a plan to fully fund DHS, which involves a two-track approach: passing a bill to fund the department, except for ICE and CBP, and then funding ICE and CBP through separate spending legislation. Trump has also vowed to pay 'all' DHS employees, although details on how this will be achieved are unclear.The shutdown has been politically unpopular, with unions and transportation safety groups criticizing the strain it has placed on workers and airport security. Democrats have sought to leverage the funding bill to press for changes to Trump’s immigration policy, while Republicans have accused them of putting Americans' livelihoods in jeopardy for political gains.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

Ramesh Kumar, a 42‑year‑old wheat farmer in Gurdaspur, Punjab, India, is already recalculating his budget as fertiliser prices climb and deliveries become erratic.He worries that higher input costs could force him to postpone his daughter’s wedding, delay school fees for his children, or even cut back on the amount of fertiliser he applies – a decision that could lower his harvest.While the conflict between the United States, Israel and Iran unfolds thousands of kilometres away, its ripple effects are felt in the fields of Punjab, Kashmir, Pakistan’s South Punjab, Bangladesh’s Rangpur and Nepal’s Gulmi district.The Strait of Hormuz, a narrow chokepoint linking Gulf oil and gas producers to global markets, handles roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments. Disruptions here delay the flow of natural gas used to produce nitrogen‑based fertilisers, inflating freight, insurance and ultimately fertiliser prices.South Asia, home to nearly two billion people, depends heavily on fertiliser‑intensive agriculture. In India, the sector is worth about $400 billion and employs over 46 % of the workforce; in Pakistan, it contributes close to 20 % of GDP; Bangladesh’s agriculture accounts for 12‑13 % of GDP; and Nepal relies on agriculture for roughly 24 % of its economy.Between 30 % and 35 % of India’s fertiliser imports, and up to 25‑30 % of Pakistan’s, Bangladesh’s, and Nepal’s imports, travel through routes that pass the Strait of Hormuz. Any prolonged blockage could therefore strain supply chains across the region.Governments are attempting to reassure farmers. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced expanded domestic production of urea, DAP and NPK, as well as the rollout of “Made‑in‑India Nano Urea” and solar‑powered irrigation under the PM Kusum scheme.Pakistan’s federal secretary for agriculture highlighted proactive monitoring, increased domestic urea and DAP output, and measures to keep fertiliser affordable.Bangladesh plans to import 500,000 tonnes of urea in the short term and is exploring alternative sources from China and Morocco, while Nepal’s agriculture ministry says supplies for the upcoming rainy season are secured, though it warns of possible shipment delays.On the ground, farmers are already adjusting. In Kashmir, mustard grower Ghulam Rasool says he reduces fertiliser use as soon as price signals rise, even before actual shortages appear. In Pakistan’s South Punjab, wheat farmer Muneer Ahmad fears higher costs will affect the entire community. In Bangladesh, Mohammad Ibrahim notes that fertiliser availability is becoming unpredictable, and in Nepal, Meghnath Aryal worries that delayed deliveries will hurt crop yields.These individual decisions have broader implications. Reduced fertiliser application can lower yields, which in turn pushes up food prices—a critical concern in a region where households allocate a large share of income to food.While no immediate shortage has been declared, the combination of higher global energy prices, logistical bottlenecks and geopolitical risk makes the situation volatile. Authorities in all four countries are urging farmers to supplement chemical inputs with organic alternatives such as manure, compost and green manuring.For Ramesh Kumar and millions of his peers, the distant Gulf crisis is not an abstract geopolitical story; it is a daily calculation of whether they can afford to feed their families and meet essential expenses.

The ongoing closure of the Strait of Hormuz, a crucial oil and gas shipping route blocked by Iran since the US-Israeli attacks began, is having ripple effects around the world. If the strait remains closed, transport blockages across the Middle East could cause significant shocks to food and medicine supplies in the UK.UK Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper is hosting a meeting with 35 other countries to discuss reopening the strait. Experts warn that a prolonged closure could lead to food price inflation doubling in England and medicine shortages due to disrupted supply chains.Impact on Food SuppliesProf Tim Lang from City St George's, University of London, warns that 'all bets are off' for food supplies if the crisis continues. Rising fossil fuel prices will impact food transportation and production, as fuel is used to transport food and produce fertilizers and other inputs.The farming sector is already facing problems, with dairy production hit due to delayed fertilizer purchases and salad vegetable and dairy producers facing disruptions. Iranian imports like pistachios and saffron are also affected.Impact on Medicine SuppliesWhile there's no hard evidence of medicine shortages yet, price increases are being seen, which can signal disruptions in the medicine supply chain. Iran does not manufacture many medicines but affects the sector through rising energy costs and transport links between major pharmaceutical-producing countries and the UK.David Weeks from Moody's notes that shortages are driven by delays in petrochemical precursors for active pharmaceutical ingredients. Medicine stockpiles in European countries, including the UK, can last up to six months, but long-term conflicts could lead to more severe shortages.

A virtual gathering of over 40 countries will set the agenda for a global military planning meeting next week, focusing on clearing sea mines and rescuing vessels immobilised in the Strait of Hormuz.UK Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper opened the summit by condemning what she described as “Iranian recklessness” that endangers global economic security and threatens the flow of vital energy supplies.The discussions are proceeding without direct US involvement; instead, the UK, France, Germany, Australia and several Gulf states are exploring practical steps to restore access to the strategic waterway.President Donald Trump has urged nations that depend on the strait to “build up some delayed courage” and “just grab it,” a comment that has drawn criticism from UK officials.The strait transports 10‑25% of the world’s oil and gas. Prime Minister Keir Starmer warned that reopening the lane “will not be easy,” given the scale of the disruption.Cooper outlined a multi‑pronged approach: diplomatic and economic pressure, reassurance for industry, insurers and energy markets, and coordinated actions to guarantee the safety of trapped ships and seafarers.She cited more than 25 Iranian attacks on vessels, estimating around 20,000 seafarers on roughly 2,000 ships are currently stranded.Highlighting the broader stakes, Cooper referenced World Bank projections that a prolonged blockage could push 9 million people into food insecurity and trigger unsustainable spikes in oil and food prices worldwide.At a follow‑up session scheduled for Tuesday, military planners will consider how to marshal collective defensive capabilities, including the removal of mines that Tehran may have laid to sink ships.The meeting will be hosted by Britain’s Permanent Joint Headquarters in Northwood, London, with many international leaders joining virtually.Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch warned President Trump not to abandon “a mess he’s made” in the Middle East, echoing former US Secretary of State Colin Powell’s dictum, “if you break it, you own it.”Reform UK’s Nigel Farage said he was not “angry” with Trump for entering the conflict but found the president’s press briefings “difficult to interpret.”Liberal Democrat leader Ed Davey urged Prime Minister Starmer to “step up” plans and present a clear alternative for reopening the oil‑ and gas‑laden shipping route.