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Benin's presidential election is a significant event in the country's democratic journey. The election process is crucial in determining the nation's leadership and future direction.The country's democratic institutions and electoral processes are under scrutiny as the nation heads to the polls. Transparency and fairness are key concerns for both local and international observers.Benin's experience with democracy is influential in the region, serving as a model or a cautionary tale for other West African nations. Electoral reforms and political stability are critical factors in the country's development trajectory.

Zappa Montag walks through a 76‑hectare (189‑acre) forest of redwoods, madrones and oaks that he co‑manages with five other Black residents at Black to the Land in Boonville, California. Powered by solar panels and supplied by a well, the off‑grid ecovillage embodies Montag’s goal to “reverse‑gentrify the country” by creating a self‑sufficient sanctuary for Black people. Intentional communities—small groups united by shared values—have long served Black and Indigenous peoples, ranging from urban co‑housing to rural ecovillages. In the post‑slavery era, tightly knit Black networks relied on mutual aid for business and farming, a tradition that is resurfacing in places like Alabama, Massachusetts and California as a way to revive ancestral agricultural knowledge. Montag and his daughter Bibi Sarai first imagined Black to the Land in 2015, frustrated by the rapid gentrification of Oakland. After a 2021 introduction to the declining Emerald Earth Sanctuary in Mendocino County, the nonprofit transferred stewardship of the property to their group through a verbal and written agreement. Montag describes the hand‑over as a form of reparations—instead of cash, they invest time learning land stewardship. Tragedy struck in February 2023 when Bibi Sarai died unexpectedly. Yet, reports that visitors felt uplifted after summer stays convinced Montag to stay permanently, turning grief into a catalyst for the community’s growth. Today, the community—members ranging from their late 20s to mid‑50s—funds land maintenance through grants, workshops and fundraising. They host classes on building, gardening and foraging, while some members work remotely to cover personal expenses. African plant‑medicine practitioners prepare herbal remedies, and a partnership with Ghanaian ecovillage leaders introduces natural‑building techniques. In addition to cultivating vegetables, the residents construct clay dwellings, practice yoga, and collectively manage chores such as fire‑wood gathering and trench‑building to prevent driveway flooding. Self‑reliance is the guiding principle, especially amid today’s economic uncertainty. The BIPOC Intentional Community Council, founded in 2020, supports Black and brown groups in establishing similar settlements by providing funding, nonprofit‑formation workshops and land‑trust guidance. Board member Crystal Byrd Farmer notes a growing “back‑to‑the‑land” movement as people seek rural roots. While mainstream media sometimes label intentional communities as radical, Farmer argues they echo millennial human practices of mutual support. Most U.S. intentional communities remain majority‑white due to historic capital access, leaving people of color to feel culturally alienated in those spaces. In Alabama, the Ekvn‑Yefolecv ecovillage—run by Indigenous Maskoke families—reclaimed 3,105 hectares (7,674 acres) of ancestral land. Governed matriarchally, residents speak their language daily, practice traditional foraging, reintroduce buffalo and sturgeon, and share land title, offering a model of ecological sustainability and cultural preservation. Massachusetts hosts the Solidarity Arts & Education Decolonial Initiatives (SAEDi) collective, a communal home for women of color that blends art, food sovereignty and reparations work. Rent is adjusted to ability, and members contribute childcare, meals and chores. Plans include a garden, orchard, and a “green residency” program that will archive elders’ agricultural stories online, aiming to boost security for immigrant families amid rising xenophobia. The modern roots of Black intentional living trace back to 1969’s New Communities in Georgia, a civil‑rights‑era farming settlement that pioneered the nation’s first community land trust. Although federal opposition led to its collapse, a 2009 $12 million settlement acknowledged USDA discrimination. Today, the organization runs workshops on land stewardship and mentors new generations of Black farmers. For Montag, the land also serves as a personal memorial. A clay bench honors his late daughter Bibi Sarai, allowing him to “connect with humanity” and keep her spirit alive. Future plans include grief‑focused rituals and a memorial garden, underscoring the belief that joy and healing are essential components of communal living. Increased security and safety Marginalized groups view intentional communities as safe havens for preserving cultural practices and passing knowledge to youth. Elders’ expertise is documented for future generations, reinforcing resilience against systemic oppression. Empowering collective action From the civil‑rights farms of Georgia to contemporary ecovillages in California and Alabama, these settlements illustrate how shared land ownership, communal labor and cultural affirmation can counter gentrification, foster economic independence, and nurture intergenerational healing.

Benin is set to choose a new head of state on Sunday, April 12, 2026, in an election that appears to favor the governing coalition’s nominee, finance minister Romuald Wadagni. The 49‑year‑old, a former Deloitte executive, has been hand‑picked by outgoing President Patrice Talon, who is constitutionally barred from seeking a third term after a decade in power. With roughly eight million eligible voters on the rolls, the contest requires a candidate to secure more than 50 % of the vote; otherwise a runoff would be scheduled for May 10. In practice, only two names appear on the ballot: Wadagni, representing the Progressive Union Renewal‑Republican Bloc alliance, and Paul Hounkpe, the 56‑year‑old former teacher and culture minister who runs under the Cowry Forces for an Emerging Benin (FCBE) banner. Wadagni’s campaign emphasizes continuity of Talon’s economic reforms. Under Talon, Benin’s budget tripled and the country posted its strongest GDP growth in over twenty years, with the International Monetary Fund estimating a 7 % expansion in 2025. Investment in trade, agriculture and the Cotonou port has driven this performance, though benefits remain uneven, especially in the poorer northern regions. Security concerns dominate the northern frontier, where al‑Qaeda and IS‑linked militias from the Sahel have intensified cross‑border raids. Recent attacks by the JNIM network killed 54 soldiers in 2025 and another 15 in early 2026. A failed coup attempt in December 2025, allegedly motivated by neglect of troops in the north, left about 100 suspects awaiting trial. Wadagni has pledged to create municipal police forces to protect border towns, while Hounkpe warns that the current administration has sidelined citizens despite macro‑economic gains. Beyond economics and security, the election raises questions about Benin’s democratic health. Talon’s government has been criticized for suppressing protests, extending presidential terms from five to seven years, and enabling the president to appoint Senate members—moves that have effectively eliminated opposition representation. In the January parliamentary vote, Talon’s allies captured all 109 seats, and the main opposition party, the Democrats, failed to field a presidential candidate. Observers note that voter turnout will be a key barometer of public sentiment. The last presidential election saw only about 50 % participation. Al Jazeera reporter Ahmed Idris described the atmosphere at a governing‑party rally in Cotonou as “lively,” but cautioned that it may not reflect the broader mood in a nation where democratic space appears to be shrinking. Should Wadagni win, he pledges to build on a decade of “economic transformation,” expanding development hubs and healthcare access while maintaining fiscal discipline. Hounkpe, positioned as a moderate alternative, promises to lower basic commodity prices and secure the release of political prisoners detained under Talon’s rule. The outcome will shape Benin’s trajectory at a critical juncture: balancing sustained economic growth, confronting escalating security threats from the Sahel, and navigating the tension between authoritarian tendencies and the country’s reputation as one of West Africa’s more stable democracies.

Djibouti's longtime President Ismail Omar Guelleh has claimed a landslide victory in the country's latest elections, ushering in his sixth consecutive term in the Horn of Africa country.Guelleh secured 97.81 percent of the votes cast on Friday, according to official results published by Djibouti's state-run news agency.His sole opponent, Mohamed Farah Samatar, earned just 2.19 percent of votes. Samatar's Unified Democratic Centre (CDU) opposition party has no seats in parliament, and he struggled to gain recognition ahead of the polls.Guelleh, 78, wrote on X as early results arrived: “Reelected”. Politicians last year removed presidential age limits, allowing him to seek another five years in power.Voter turnout was 80.4 percent on Friday, according to Djibouti media outlets. Roughly a quarter of the population – about 256,000 people – were registered to vote.Guelleh has ruled Djibouti's population of roughly one million since 1999. Neighbouring Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia, the country is strategically located at the Bab al-Mandeb strait, which provides access to the Red Sea from the Gulf of Aden.Even as voters turned in their ballots on Friday, few doubted who would win. Thousands had gathered at Guelleh's campaign rallies ahead of the election, while his posters could be seen plastered across the capital.

Djibouti's voters are heading to the polls to choose their next president, with incumbent leader Ismail Omar Guelleh expected to easily secure a sixth term. Guelleh, 78, has been in power since 1999 and won re-election in 2021 with 98 per cent of the vote.Guelleh's only opponent is Mohamed Farah Samatar, the leader of the Unified Democratic Centre (CDU), a party with no seats in parliament. The election comes after politicians scrapped presidential age limits last year, paving the way for Guelleh to extend his 27-year rule.Human rights groups have accused authorities of abuses and repressing freedom of political activity, while the government has denied the allegations. Two main opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016.The election is being observed by several international organisations, including the African Union (AU), the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and the League of Arab States. Guelleh has governed the small nation in the Horn of Africa since 1999, when he succeeded Hassan Gouled Aptidon, the founding president of the country with about a million people.Djibouti hosts important military bases for the United States, France, China and other powers, earning it a reputation as the country with the most foreign military bases. It is also an important port hub for landlocked neighbours such as Ethiopia.

The Confederation of African Football (CAF) has faced a fresh wave of controversy after it overturned Senegal's 1‑0 victory over host nation Morocco in the Africa Cup of Nations final, recording a 3‑0 win for Morocco and stripping Senegal of the championship.Speaking in Rabat, CAF President Patrice Motsepe categorically rejected the Senegalese government's accusations of corruption. “If anybody wants to initiate legal action alleging that there is corruption in CAF, I don’t only welcome that, I encourage them,” he said.Motsepe emphasized the federation’s respect for the legal frameworks of Africa’s 54 member nations, adding, “There’s nothing to hide. We respect enormously the judicial and legal sovereignty of every single one of our 54 nations on the African continent.”He also affirmed that CAF will abide by the outcome of the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS), stating, “I’m confident that whatever the decision of CAS will say, we will respect it and we will implement it.”The dispute stems from the January 18 final, when Senegalese players, coach Pape Thiaw and staff walked off the pitch after Morocco was awarded an added‑time penalty – a chance that forward Brahim Diaz ultimately missed. CAF cited regulations on abandoning the field to justify a 3‑0 forfeit in Morocco’s favour, a ruling announced on March 17.In response, the Senegalese Football Federation has lodged an appeal with CAS, while Senegal’s government has called for an international investigation into alleged corruption within CAF.Motsepe’s remarks come at a tense moment for the governing body, which must now navigate legal scrutiny, the appeal process, and mounting pressure from a disgruntled Senegalese public.

Starbucks's UK retail arm secured a significant £13.7m corporation tax credit last year, even as it reported a 6% increase in sales to £556.3m and added over 90 new stores, bringing its total to 1,304. The tax credit, which can be used to offset future tax bills, follows losses widening to £41.3m in the 12 months to September.The company's financial performance was impacted by £40m in royalty and licence fees paid to its parent company, Starbucks Emea. These fees, which are paid to a UK-based entity that collects similar fees from across Europe, the Middle East, and Africa, significantly contributed to the losses.Despite the losses, Starbucks UK's sales growth was driven by price increases, new loyalty schemes, and the introduction of “freshly baked in-store food”. The company also shifted its workforce towards full-time staff, reducing overall staff numbers by 244 to 5,352.Critics, such as the Fair Tax Foundation, argue that this situation highlights a recurring issue where large corporations like Starbucks use complex financial structures to minimize their tax liabilities. “This all feels so very Groundhog Day,” said Paul Monaghan, chief executive of the Fair Tax Foundation. “As per a decade ago, Starbucks UK reports annual growth in income and store numbers, whilst at the same time declaring a loss due to the payment of hefty royalty fees to other Starbucks subsidiaries. The end result, no corporation tax is paid.”In response, a Starbucks spokesperson emphasized the company's commitment to paying all taxes due, stating that it “manages its global tax responsibilities in keeping with its mission and values.”The company's financial challenges are expected to continue, with Starbucks UK citing a “challenging consumer environment” characterized by inflationary pressures, reduced discretionary spending, and increased competition. The company has received financial support from its parent group, including £30m in cash to keep the business afloat and a further £60m in February.

OECD preliminary figures reveal a 23% decline in international development assistance between 2024 and 2025, the steepest annual fall recorded since the organization began tracking aid.The United States was the primary catalyst, with its official development assistance slashing nearly 57% in 2025, a reduction that accounts for roughly three‑quarters of the overall drop.Total aid from the 34 DAC members fell from $214.6 billion to $174.3 billion. American contributions shrank from about $63 billion in 2024 to just under $29 billion the following year, according to the OECD.Other major donors—including Germany, the United Kingdom, Japan and France—also trimmed their budgets, and only eight DAC countries managed to meet or exceed their 2024 levels.The cuts arrive at a time of heightened global economic and food‑security uncertainty, exacerbated by the ongoing US‑Israeli conflict with Iran.OECD official Carsten Staur described the plunge as “deeply concerning,” urging donors to reverse the trend as humanitarian needs surge. Oxfam’s Development Finance Lead Didier Jacobs warned that wealthy governments are “turning their backs on millions of lives in the Global South” by cutting life‑saving aid while funding conflict.Academic research links the U.S. reductions to a rise in armed conflict across Africa, with the Center for Global Development estimating that the cuts could have caused between 500,000 and 1,000,000 excess deaths in 2025. A Lancet analysis warns that continuing the downward trajectory may result in **over 9.4 million additional deaths by 2030**.Under President Trump, the United States has dismantled the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and pursued a handful of bilateral agreements with African nations that tie aid to mineral access and health data. Simultaneously, the administration is seeking a historic $1.5 trillion military budget for FY2027** and between **$80 billion and $200 billion** for the Iran‑Israel war effort.Analysts and NGOs are calling on DAC members to restore aid levels and reinforce the global humanitarian system, which they say faces its most serious crisis in decades.

Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.