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OECD preliminary figures reveal a 23% decline in international development assistance between 2024 and 2025, the steepest annual fall recorded since the organization began tracking aid.The United States was the primary catalyst, with its official development assistance slashing nearly 57% in 2025, a reduction that accounts for roughly three‑quarters of the overall drop.Total aid from the 34 DAC members fell from $214.6 billion to $174.3 billion. American contributions shrank from about $63 billion in 2024 to just under $29 billion the following year, according to the OECD.Other major donors—including Germany, the United Kingdom, Japan and France—also trimmed their budgets, and only eight DAC countries managed to meet or exceed their 2024 levels.The cuts arrive at a time of heightened global economic and food‑security uncertainty, exacerbated by the ongoing US‑Israeli conflict with Iran.OECD official Carsten Staur described the plunge as “deeply concerning,” urging donors to reverse the trend as humanitarian needs surge. Oxfam’s Development Finance Lead Didier Jacobs warned that wealthy governments are “turning their backs on millions of lives in the Global South” by cutting life‑saving aid while funding conflict.Academic research links the U.S. reductions to a rise in armed conflict across Africa, with the Center for Global Development estimating that the cuts could have caused between 500,000 and 1,000,000 excess deaths in 2025. A Lancet analysis warns that continuing the downward trajectory may result in **over 9.4 million additional deaths by 2030**.Under President Trump, the United States has dismantled the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and pursued a handful of bilateral agreements with African nations that tie aid to mineral access and health data. Simultaneously, the administration is seeking a historic $1.5 trillion military budget for FY2027** and between **$80 billion and $200 billion** for the Iran‑Israel war effort.Analysts and NGOs are calling on DAC members to restore aid levels and reinforce the global humanitarian system, which they say faces its most serious crisis in decades.

Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

Eritrea's hopes of participating in the Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) have been thrown into doubt after seven local footballers disappeared in South Africa following their team's victory over Eswatini last month.The players were part of a 24-member squad that participated in the qualifying tie, with only 10 being locally-based players. Of these, only three returned to Eritrea, while the whereabouts of the other seven remain unknown.The incident occurred when the national team arrived in South Africa en route from Eswatini to Eritrea via Egypt. A Confederation of African Football (CAF) official told the AFP news agency that the disappearance is a mystery and that no one seems certain what happened to the players thereafter.Eritrea's coach, Hesham Yakan, had chosen 24 players, including 14 based abroad, for the two-leg preliminary qualifier against Eswatini. The team's victory over Eswatini proved a surprise success, considering they had not played an international match for six years.The disappearance of the players has raised concerns about the country's football future and the well-being of its players. Indefinite military service after completing schooling is cited as the main reason for the defections from the East African country.Eritrea has been governed by President Isaias Afwerki since gaining independence from Ethiopia in 1993, and human rights groups consistently describe his rule as “highly repressive”.The incident has also highlighted the dire situation in Eritrea, with George Ghebreslassie, an Eritrean exile, saying that “it shows the kind of situation we have in Eritrea. We thought things would change, but nothing has changed”.

Afika Bambaataa, the Bronx‑born architect of modern hip‑hop, passed away at age 67 in Philadelphia early Thursday morning, with officials citing complications from cancer as the cause of death. The Hip‑Hop Alliance, chaired by veteran rapper Kurtis Blow, released a statement honoring Bambaataa’s role as a founding figure of the culture. The group praised his creation of the Universal Zulu Nation, which promoted the movement’s core values of peace, unity, love and fun, while also acknowledging the complexity of his legacy in light of recent abuse allegations. During the 1980s, Bambaataa helped define the sound of hip‑hop, most notably with the 1982 electro‑funk anthem “Planet Rock”. The track, which sampled German pioneers Kraftwerk, positioned him at the forefront of a new musical frontier and led to collaborations with artists such as John Lydon, George Clinton and James Brown. Born Lance Taylor, he launched the Universal Zulu Nation in the late 1970s, drawing inspiration from DJ Kool Herc and the solidarity of South Africa’s Zulu people. This collective became a cultural hub that spread hip‑hop’s ethos worldwide. In the early 1980s Bambaataa also performed with the electronic group Ebn Ozn, further cementing his reputation as a bridge between American street culture and European synth‑pop. His work helped crystallize the electro‑funk genre that dominated clubs across the globe. His activist side emerged in 1985 when he joined Artists United Against Apartheid to produce the landmark protest single “Sun City.” The project featured a roster of high‑profile musicians—including Bob Dylan, Bono, Bruce Springsteen and Run‑DMC—united against South Africa’s apartheid regime. Throughout the 1990s and early 2000s Bambaataa continued to record, culminating in his final album, “Dark Matter Moving at the Speed of Light” (2004). While his musical output waned, his influence on subsequent generations of artists remained unmistakable. However, Bambaataa’s later years were marred by serious accusations. In 2016, several Bronx men alleged sexual misconduct, which he publicly dismissed as “baseless and cowardly.” A former bodyguard later claimed to have witnessed inappropriate behavior involving teenage boys. The allegations resurfaced in May 2025 when an anonymous plaintiff filed a civil suit alleging four years of abuse beginning in 1992. Bambaataa failed to appear in court, resulting in a default judgment against him. As the hip‑hop community mourns a foundational artist, it also confronts the enduring debate over how to reconcile his cultural contributions with the serious allegations that have come to define the final chapter of his public life.

Northampton Saints' JJ van der Mescht is a force to be reckoned with on the rugby field. Standing at an impressive 6ft 7in and weighing 23st, he is the joint-heaviest player in the Premiership. His size and strength make him a major collision threat, and his skills have earned him a spot in South Africa's alignment squad.Van der Mescht, 26, has a unique playing style that has drawn comparisons to Australia's Will Skelton. He is too heavy to be lifted regularly in the lineout, but his ability to give his team vital post-contact metres makes him a valuable asset. His director of rugby, Phil Dowson, describes him as 'a fly-half trapped in a second-row's body.'The South African lock has a personal connection with Bath prop Thomas du Toit, with whom he played as a youngster at the Sharks in Durban. He is eager to bump into his old friend during the match, and he expects a fierce encounter. Van der Mescht has dropped seven kilos since joining Northampton and currently weighs 146kg. He credits the club with rekindling his love for rugby, saying that he now enjoys the game again and feels happy.Van der Mescht's impressive performance has put him back on the South African radar, and he may be considered for the Springboks in the future. For now, he is focused on helping Northampton overcome Bath in the Champions Cup quarter-final. The match could be a prelude to another battle between England's top two sides in the Premiership final.

British Airways announced that, when it resumes operations in July, its Middle East timetable will be significantly scaled back, with a portion of the freed‑up fleet redirected to launch additional direct services to India and Kenya. The carrier has suspended all flights to the region following the outbreak of the Iran‑related war. It plans to restart flights to Riyadh in mid‑May and to reopen routes to Dubai, Doha and Tel Aviv on 1 July. However, the airline will reduce Dubai flights from three to one per day and cut the frequency to Doha, Tel Aviv and Riyadh from two daily services to a single flight each. In a permanent move, BA will drop Jeddah as a destination from 24 April. Service to Bahrain and Amman will remain on hold until 25 October, while flights to Larnaca, Cyprus are slated to return on 22 May. Speaking on the adjustments, BA said, “Given the ongoing situation in the Middle East, we have revised our schedule to give customers clearer options. We continue to monitor the situation closely and are in direct contact with affected passengers to provide alternatives.” Since the conflict began, the airline has facilitated the repatriation of thousands of travelers, operated humanitarian relief flights, and increased capacity on key long‑haul sectors. Looking ahead, BA will deploy larger aircraft on its Delhi route from 1 June and similarly upscale the Hyderabad service. The summer schedule will also see additional daily flights to Bengaluru and Nairobi through late October. Further expansion includes new flights to Delhi and Mumbai, a development first reported by the Financial Times, underscoring BA’s strategy to offset reduced Middle East capacity with growth in high‑demand Asian and African markets.

The UK government's spending on foreign aid has hit its lowest level in nearly two decades, with provisional data showing 0.43% of national income allocated to official development assistance (ODA) in 2025, down from 0.5% in 2024 and matching the level in 2008. The total ODA spend in 2025 was just over £13bn, an annual decrease of £1bn, or 7.4%. This decline has raised alarms among humanitarian experts, who warn that the cuts are having severe consequences, particularly for marginalized communities across Africa. Gideon Rabinowitz, director of policy and advocacy at Bond, emphasized that life-saving humanitarian programs, including education provision in Syria and healthcare programs across Africa, have already been forced to close. He warned that with even deeper cuts expected, the worst consequences are yet to be realized. The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) noted that a projected 9% to 17% drop of ODA among its members in 2025 would hit the poorest countries hardest. The UK's reduction in aid spending has been criticized by campaigners and aid organizers, who argue it will cause widespread damage and weaken the UK's influence overseas. In response, the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office stated that national security is the government's first duty and that the decision to reduce ODA spending to 0.3% of GNI by 2027 was necessary to fund an increase in defense spending. However, they emphasized that the UK remains committed to safeguarding standards and protecting women and girls.

As rising temperatures push snakes and humans into closer contact, the world faces an estimated 5.5 million snakebites each year, resulting in 138,000 deaths and 400,000 lasting disabilities. In response, a Wisconsin‑based amateur scientist has taken an extreme route to help solve the crisis.For almost 20 years, Tim Friede, a former window cleaner, allowed some of the planet’s most lethal snakes to bite him, accumulating over 200 intentional bites. His goal: to provoke his own immune system into producing antibodies that could be harvested for a near‑universal antivenom.The endeavor has been perilous. Friede survived a coma after being bitten by two cobras within an hour, endured anaphylactic shocks, lost tissue in a finger, and even had to cut necrotic muscle from his leg. Yet he persisted, eventually becoming immune to the inland taipan—the world’s most venomous snake, whose single bite can kill more than 100 people.In 2019, California biotech firm Centivax hired Friede to extract his antibodies. Early laboratory work showed that his serum can neutralise toxins from 19 elapid species, including cobras, mambas, taipans, coral snakes and kraits—roughly half of all venomous snakes worldwide.The next step is a veterinary trial in Australia, slated for later this year, before any human application. If successful, the antivenom could dramatically reduce the burden of snakebite in low‑income regions across Asia and Africa, where most victims live.Climate scientists warn that warming climates will expand snake habitats and increase human exposure, as illustrated by the recent surge of rattlesnake bites in California’s Ventura County. This amplifies the urgency for scalable, affordable antivenoms, especially as international aid budgets face cuts and manufacturing capacity remains insufficient.Friede’s unconventional path underscores a broader lesson: confronting emerging health threats may require bold, unconventional science, but the potential payoff—a life‑saving treatment for millions—could be transformative.

The Confederation of African Football (CAF) chief Patrice Motsepe arrived in Dakar this week, marking his first visit to Senegal since the body’s controversial decision to strip the nation of its Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) crown and hand it to Morocco.Motsepe announced the itinerary at the end of March, pledging to meet leaders in both countries to stress the need for "working together to grow African football" as CAF confronts mounting criticism.President Bassirou Diomaye Faye is scheduled to receive Motsepe at the presidential palace, followed by a joint news conference intended to calm tensions.The visit comes in the wake of CAF’s surprise reversal of the January 18 final, where Senegal had defeated hosts Morocco 1‑0. Citing a breach of regulations concerning players leaving the field, CAF retroactively recorded a 3‑0 victory for Morocco on March 17.During the match in Rabat, Senegal’s squad, head coach Pape Thiaw and staff walked off after Morocco were awarded an added‑time penalty, which forward Brahim Diaz ultimately missed.In response, the Senegalese Football Federation lodged an appeal with the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS), while the Senegalese government demanded an international probe into alleged corruption within CAF.Motsepe, speaking late last month, affirmed that he would respect and implement the CAS ruling, adding that his personal view on the matter was “irrelevant.”