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The recent ceasefire talks between the United States and Iran have ended without a breakthrough, with Iran's chief negotiator, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, blaming the US for the failure of the talks held in Islamabad, Pakistan. The talks, which were the first direct engagement between the two countries at this level since the 1979 Iranian Revolution, exposed deep divisions on core issues.The US framed the lack of a breakthrough primarily around Iran's alleged refusal to meet its core demand: a firm commitment not to develop nuclear weapons. US Vice President JD Vance said Washington had made its 'red lines' clear and presented what he described as a 'final and best offer'. However, Iran downplayed expectations and blamed the US for making unreasonable demands.The main sticking points between Tehran and Washington are:Iran's nuclear programme: The US wants a clear and enforceable commitment that Iran will not develop nuclear weapons – or even the capability to do so quickly. Iran has consistently rejected accusations that it seeks to build nuclear weapons but said it is willing to negotiate limits on its nuclear activities if sanctions are removed.Strait of Hormuz: Who gets to control this strategic waterway, through which almost all of the oil and natural gas exports from the Gulf nations pass, has become a major flashpoint. Iran has floated the idea of charging transit fees to allow ships to pass through the strait, while the US is adamant the strait is reopened free of any tolls.The near shutdown of shipping through the strait has sent global energy prices soaring with many countries, especially in Asia, forced to implement unprecedented austerity measures to soften the impact of fuel shortages. Experts said the near-closure of the strait has caused the worst economic shock since the 1973 oil embargo.

Iran’s attempt to impose tolls on vessels passing through the Strait of Hormuz has been labeled illegal by Arsenio Domínguez, the head of the United Nations’ International Maritime Organization (IMO). In an interview with Al Jazeera, Domínguez stressed that such charges would set a dangerous precedent for global shipping. Tehran has asserted its right to levy fees even after the conflict ends, while U.S. President Donald Trump floated the idea of a joint U.S.-Iran venture to collect the payments. Both proposals clash with established maritime conventions. "Countries do not have the right to introduce tools or payments or charges on these straits," Domínguez said, adding that any toll system would be contrary to international law and could cripple the free flow of trade. The remarks came as marathon cease‑fire negotiations between U.S. and Iranian officials in Pakistan concluded without an agreement. U.S. Vice President JD Vance noted that Tehran rejected Washington’s terms, which included a commitment to forgo nuclear weapons development, prompting the American delegation to depart Islamabad after presenting its "final and best offer." Iran’s state‑run Press TV blamed the stalemate on what it called the United States' "excessive demands," citing the toll issue and the nuclear programme as major points of contention. Despite a two‑week cease‑fire announced earlier in the week, maritime traffic remains severely limited. Only 22 vessels with active AIS signals exited the strait between the truce’s start and Friday, a stark drop from the pre‑conflict average of about 135 daily transits, according to S&P Global. The bottleneck is throttling oil and natural‑gas exports from the Gulf. The U.S. military reported that two warships had navigated the waterway to clear Iranian mines, a move Iran denied. President Trump later insisted the strait would reopen "fairly soon," with or without Tehran’s cooperation. Domínguez emphasized that ending the hostilities is the fundamental solution to restoring safe passage. He warned that any resumption of traffic must be accompanied by thorough de‑mining and safety checks to protect both vessels and crews. He also dismissed calls for new legal frameworks, noting that the 1968 traffic‑separation agreement between Iran and Oman—which splits the strait into north‑ and south‑bound lanes—had functioned effectively before the war and does not require revision. Humanitarian concerns feature prominently in Domínguez’s statements. He highlighted that roughly 20,000 seafarers are stranded in the Gulf due to the blockade, warning that prolonged isolation would not only harm these workers but also have a negative ripple effect on the global economy.

US Vice‑President JD Vance addressed a podium in Pakistan, confirming that after a marathon 21‑hour negotiation no settlement had been secured to end the conflict with Iran. Meanwhile, President Donald Trump was in Miami watching a mixed‑martial‑arts fight, a stark contrast that underscored the administration’s focus on spectacle over substantive diplomacy. The breakdown was not accidental. Washington insists Iran must relinquish any capacity to develop a nuclear weapon, whereas Tehran maintains its right to a civilian nuclear programme and rejects the notion of a weapons agenda. The US “final and best offer” demanded a complete surrender of that capability, a condition more akin to imposing victory than fostering negotiation. Compounding the impasse, the United States sought unrestricted navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, a critical artery for global energy supplies. Iran, however, pressed for transit fees, lifted sanctions, unfrozen assets, reparations, and a broader regional cease‑fire. The divergent demands meant that a single round of talks could not bridge the gap, resulting in negotiations devoid of trust and a war without a clear resolution. Historical wisdom, echoed by Winston Churchill’s famous remark that "jaw‑jaw is better than war‑war", highlights the high cost of continued fighting. Ironically, the current US‑Iran dispute revolves around a nuclear programme that was once restrained by a deal the Trump administration later abrogated, and a maritime route that the same administration helped ignite by launching the conflict. The fragile cease‑fire’s survival now hinges not only on Washington and Tehran but also on Israel’s expanding offensive in southern Lebanon against Hezbollah, an operation that has drawn accusations of war crimes and threatens to widen the regional conflagration. Financial markets are unlikely to react positively to recent developments. American voters are already feeling the impact of surging fuel prices, and Trump’s consideration of a naval blockade of the Strait of Hormuz could exacerbate the situation. Disrupting a route that carries roughly one‑fifth of global oil would push prices higher, with ripple effects far beyond the Gulf. The current cease‑fire is set to expire in just over a week. While diplomatic talks have not formally ended, a stalemate persists and the logic of escalation is gaining traction. Iran appears unlikely to concede, opting instead to test US resolve at sea. Seasonal heat may limit a full‑scale ground offensive for now, but the risk of a shift toward naval confrontations, airstrikes, and proxy warfare looms, offering no winners—only further loss.

Iran's economy is struggling to recover from a lethal mix of local mismanagement, corruption, sanctions, and two major wars in less than a year. The ceasefire announced overnight into Wednesday has brought some relief, with more people returning to work and shops reopening in Tehran's Grand Bazaar.However, sales remain slow compared to before the war, and merchants are facing significant challenges, including 20-30 percent price increases for products due to inflation. The near-total internet shutdown imposed since the start of the war on February 28 has caused countless income streams to be wiped out for families trying to survive.The government has promised to provide support to digital businesses, but it is unclear how they will operate while their customers remain offline. Lay-offs are widespread, with technology firms only signing contracts spanning several months, major carmakers laying off thousands of workers, and numerous journalists being let go by state-run and private sector media outlets.The situation for the embattled Iranian economy could still get worse, as the deepening impact of attacks against civilian infrastructure will likely become more apparent over the coming weeks and months. Iran's top steel factories, petrochemical manufacturers, aluminium producers, airports, and civilian aircraft have been bombed and put out of commission by the US and Israel.It would take Iran years to rebuild even if the war ended today, and that is while the country faced a huge budget crunch even before the war, and still has no prospects of lifting the harsh sanctions imposed by the US and the United Nations over its nuclear programme in order to boost foreign investments.

Pakistan is set to host high-level talks between the United States and Iran in Islamabad, with a modest goal of getting the two nations to find common ground to continue negotiations. The talks, which will be held in a 'proximity format' with Pakistani officials shuttling messages between the two teams, follow a Pakistan-mediated two-week ceasefire agreed upon by the US and Iran.The US delegation, led by Vice President JD Vance, and the Iranian team, expected to be led by Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi and Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, will meet at the Serena Hotel in Islamabad. Despite the significant differences between the two nations, experts and sources close to the mediation effort have expressed little expectation of a major breakthrough.Pakistan's goal is to secure an agreement for the US and Iran to continue dialogue, with the aim of building on the truce that led to a collective sigh of relief globally. The talks will focus on finding a lasting peace deal, with key issues including verifiable restrictions on Iran's nuclear programme and full sanctions relief.The talks are taking place against a backdrop of escalating tensions in Lebanon, with Iran framing Israeli strikes on Lebanon as a direct challenge to the ceasefire. Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian warned that continued attacks would render negotiations meaningless.Despite these challenges, there are tentative signs of easing tensions ahead of the talks, with US Vice President JD Vance expressing optimism about the negotiations and Saudi Arabia's foreign minister speaking with his Iranian counterpart for the first time since the war started.

Jonathan Freedland contends that the record of Benjamin Netanyahu’s recent wartime conduct is one of stark failure, despite the spotlight it has received alongside former U.S. President Donald Trump.While Trump has dominated headlines with his rhetoric on Iran and a self‑announced cease‑fire, Netanyahu has quietly overseen a continuation of hostilities across the region. Israel’s air campaign on Lebanon—the most lethal single strike in recent memory—targeted roughly 100 sites in a ten‑minute window, leaving at least 303 dead and more than 1,150 injured, many of them civilians.Israel maintains that the U.S.‑brokered deal with Tehran does not extend to Lebanon, a claim disputed by Iran and Pakistani mediators. Netanyahu, meanwhile, has pledged to sustain “full‑force” attacks on what Israel labels Hezbollah launch positions, even as he publicly agrees to diplomatic talks with Beirut.Internationally, Netanyahu is already wanted by the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes in Gaza, and his reputation abroad is that of a war‑time villain. Domestically, his supporters still view him as a security hawk, a perception that matters most as Israel faces elections no later than 27 October.Freedland highlights that the October 7, 2023 Hamas onslaught—Israel’s deadliest terrorist attack—occurred under Netanyahu’s watch, a fact that would have toppled most leaders in comparable democracies. Yet the prime minister promised “total victory” over Hamas, a promise that remains unfulfilled after a two‑year bombardment that has claimed roughly 70,000 lives in Gaza while leaving Hamas in control of the enclave’s unoccupied areas.Claims of having neutralised Hezbollah have also proved hollow. Although Israel announced the death of the group’s leader, Hezbollah continues to rebuild its arsenal and resumed rocket fire, undermining the narrative of a decisive Israeli triumph.Similarly, the 12‑day 2025‑2026 confrontation with Iran—branded by Trump as an obliteration of Tehran’s nuclear programme and by Netanyahu as a historic victory—has not diminished Iran’s strategic capabilities. The nation still possesses enriched uranium, a robust missile stockpile, and the ability to threaten global shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, effectively holding a lever over the world economy.Freedland argues that Netanyahu’s doctrine of perpetual military pressure yields only temporary relief, likening it to repeatedly cutting off a snake’s head only for it to regrow. Former Israeli general‑turned‑politician Yair Golan is quoted as saying that Netanyahu “does not know how to translate battlefield successes into lasting political security.”The human cost of this approach is evident not only in the casualties of Gaza, the Bekaa Valley and Israeli cities, but also in Israel’s deteriorating diplomatic standing. Recent legislation in the Knesset—pushed by far‑right minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir and supported by Netanyahu—introduces a death‑penalty provision for Palestinians convicted of terrorism, a move condemned internationally as discriminatory.As Israelis endure nightly bomb‑shelter drills and semi‑lockdown conditions, the electorate faces a stark choice. Polls suggest that even if Netanyahu is ousted, his successor may continue a similar hard‑line stance, albeit with different execution. Freedland concludes that Israel’s long‑term security cannot rely solely on force; a negotiated accommodation with neighbours, especially the Palestinians, may finally become politically viable after the exposure of Netanyahu’s repeated strategic failures.

The ongoing conflict between the US and Israel and Iran has significantly altered the dynamics of the nuclear programme negotiations. Former US envoys who dealt with Iran have stated that the US-Israeli attack on Iran and Tehran's subsequent closure of the Strait of Hormuz have given Iran new tools and resolve to resist pressure to shutter its nuclear programme.Two senior negotiators for the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the Obama-era agreement to limit Iran's nuclear uranium enrichment in exchange for sanctions relief, said the Trump administration's war had handed Iran a coveted weapon by demonstrating its ability to cut off the Strait of Hormuz, an economic chokehold that one negotiator said would help Iran 'balance the asymmetry of power' with the US.Alan Eyre, a former diplomat who helped negotiate the JCPOA, noted that 'this administration, to say it more politely, cannot unsoil the bed. There's no way to get back to the status quo ante before this war started.'In 2018, Donald Trump withdrew the US from the JCPOA, which barred Tehran from enriching its uranium to weapons-grade. Trump called the deal 'one of the worst and most one-sided transactions' the US had ever entered into.However, after a strategy of high pressure – first through returning sanctions and then, after Trump's return to power in 2025, a war that was meant to destroy Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile capabilities – the current US administration has found itself in more complex negotiations than before its campaign of economic and military strikes.Robert Malley, a Yale lecturer who was former special envoy to Iran under Joe Biden and a lead negotiator on the JCPOA, said: 'The strait of Hormuz wasn't an issue before the US decided to strike. You have all the issues inherited from the past, but you just added a few, because the US has handed Iran a tool that it always had, but it never thought of using, or never felt it could.'The chances for a comprehensive agreement addressing all of the US and Iran's grievances appear slim. While the Obama administration sought to negotiate exclusively on Iran's nuclear programme in the lead-up to the 2015 agreement, the Trump administration has sought a broader deal limiting Iran's ballistic missiles programme and its support for regional proxies, such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen.

The White House has reiterated that the United States continues to reject any uranium enrichment inside Iran, reaffirming that US President Donald Trump did not agree to a 'wish list' submitted by Tehran. The US stance on uranium enrichment remains a major point of contention in talks between the two countries.Trump's spokesperson, Karoline Leavitt, suggested that the 10-point proposal put forward by Iran as the basis for a ceasefire in the US-Israel war on Iran differs from the proposal published by the government in Tehran. The proposal included Iran's right to enrich uranium, which the US has rejected."The president's red lines, namely the end of Iranian enrichment in Iran, have not changed," Leavitt said. This stance has been a major sticking point in previous talks between Tehran and Washington.Domestic uranium enrichment has been a contentious issue, with Iran insisting on enriching its own uranium as a national right, while the Trump administration has pushed for dismantling the Iranian nuclear programme altogether. The US and Israel have claimed victory in the conflict, while Iran has also claimed success.After more than 38 days of war, Washington and Tehran announced a two-week ceasefire that will see the US stop its attacks and Iran reopen the Strait of Hormuz. The first round of negotiations will take place in the Pakistani capital, Islamabad, on Saturday, led by US Vice President JD Vance, Special Envoy Steve Witkoff, and Trump's son-in-law, Jared Kushner.However, Iran's Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf cast doubt over the fate of the talks, citing US and Israeli violations of the ceasefire. The talks' success remains uncertain amid these tensions.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio has assured that the Strait of Hormuz will reopen after the ongoing conflict with Iran. In an exclusive interview with Al Jazeera, Rubio emphasized that the strait will be reopened either with Iran's consent or through an international coalition including the US.The conflict began on February 28 with US-Israeli strikes on Iran. Despite US President Donald Trump stating that the US is pursuing diplomacy, Rubio mentioned ongoing direct talks between the US and Iran, primarily through intermediaries. Iran has denied these talks are happening.Rubio called on Iran to take concrete steps to end its nuclear programme and cease manufacturing drones and missiles. He accused Iran of seeking nuclear weapons to threaten and blackmail the world, which Tehran denies.The situation remains volatile, with speculation about a possible US troop deployment in Iran. Rubio warned of severe consequences if Iran keeps the strait closed after the conflict ends. The White House has considered various military options, including a special forces operation to seize enriched uranium stored in Iran.