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Los Angeles residents are feeling the strain of soaring gas prices, with some stations charging as high as $8 a gallon. The Iran war has created the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market, according to the International Energy Agency, contributing to the price surge.For Jack Nooney, a musician and grocery deli employee, the daily commute from his San Fernando Valley apartment to Santa Monica has become a costly affair. To save gas, Nooney has started shifting his manual transmission into neutral and coasting down steep declines on the I-405. He also scouts for the best gas prices and prefers stations near his home.The impact of high gas prices is being felt across various industries. Chris Hardin, a music manager, says his clients are struggling with the increased costs, especially those who rely on touring. Hardin has started taking his motorcycle to work multiple times a week to save fuel.Professional drivers, however, have limited options. Jenise Blanc, owner of LA's Canyon Car Service, is absorbing the increased costs, but may be forced to re-evaluate her pricing strategy if the situation doesn't improve. Electric vehicles are becoming a more viable option, with Blanc's company now leaning into its two electric cars.The rising gas prices are also affecting small businesses, with Blanc noting that it's tough to pass on the increased costs to customers without risking a loss of business. As the situation continues, residents and businesses are looking for ways to adapt and mitigate the impact of high fuel costs.

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Secretary-General, Jassim al-Budaiwi, has urged the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to take immediate action to stop Iranian attacks on Gulf countries, which he described as a 'flagrant violation' of international law and the UN Charter.Speaking at the UNSC, al-Budaiwi called on the council to 'take all necessary measures' to bring an end to Iran's attacks on Gulf countries and to protect maritime corridors and guarantee uninterrupted maritime navigation through strategic waterways in the region.The GCC chief also emphasized the need for the six GCC states – Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain, Oman, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates – to be included in any talks or deals with Iran 'to enhance regional security and prevent further escalation or repetition of such attacks in the future.'Iran has been carrying out daily missile and drone attacks across the Middle East, including in Arab Gulf nations, since the US and Israel launched a war against the country on February 28. These attacks have struck civilian sites, including critical energy facilities, and have effectively closed the Strait of Hormuz, a key Gulf waterway through which about one-fifth of the world's oil and liquified natural gas supplies transit.The situation has sent global energy prices skyrocketing, and frustrations are growing across the Gulf as the US-Israeli war on Iran drags on. According to Al Jazeera's Zein Basravi, 85 percent of the projectiles fired by Iran have targeted Gulf countries, with the UAE being the hardest hit.

Despite a United Nations-led ceasefire in Yemen, which largely reduced hostilities four years ago, nearly 1,200 children have been killed or injured due to shelling, gunfire, landmines, and other explosive remnants of war. According to Save the Children, since the truce brokered on April 2, 2022, at least 339 children have been killed and 843 injured, with some suffering life-altering injuries.The United Kingdom-based humanitarian organization found that 511 child casualties, nearly one in two, were due to landmines and explosive remnants of war. Data from the Civilian Impact Monitoring Project (CIMP) suggested that children were more than three times more likely than adults to be killed or injured by explosive remnants. Save the Children attributed this to a lack of mine risk awareness and increased exposure due to child labor.“These figures are a reminder that beyond the front lines, the war on children continues in their homes, schools and areas where they play and help their families tend to land,” said Rishana Haniffa, Save the Children’s country director in Yemen. “Amid escalating wider regional tensions, there is a real risk of triggering a wider confrontation in Yemen and the Red Sea that could undermine hard-won progress to reduce armed violence in the country in the past four years, exposing children to even more harm.”The conflict in Yemen has also led to significant psychological distress in children, with blast injuries causing permanent disabilities, including injuries to the spine, amputation of limbs, and loss of sight and hearing. Children have experienced difficulty sleeping, daily fear, and anxiety, with some, like Kamal, undergoing life-changing surgery.

Ramesh Kumar, a 42‑year‑old wheat farmer in Gurdaspur, Punjab, India, is already recalculating his budget as fertiliser prices climb and deliveries become erratic.He worries that higher input costs could force him to postpone his daughter’s wedding, delay school fees for his children, or even cut back on the amount of fertiliser he applies – a decision that could lower his harvest.While the conflict between the United States, Israel and Iran unfolds thousands of kilometres away, its ripple effects are felt in the fields of Punjab, Kashmir, Pakistan’s South Punjab, Bangladesh’s Rangpur and Nepal’s Gulmi district.The Strait of Hormuz, a narrow chokepoint linking Gulf oil and gas producers to global markets, handles roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments. Disruptions here delay the flow of natural gas used to produce nitrogen‑based fertilisers, inflating freight, insurance and ultimately fertiliser prices.South Asia, home to nearly two billion people, depends heavily on fertiliser‑intensive agriculture. In India, the sector is worth about $400 billion and employs over 46 % of the workforce; in Pakistan, it contributes close to 20 % of GDP; Bangladesh’s agriculture accounts for 12‑13 % of GDP; and Nepal relies on agriculture for roughly 24 % of its economy.Between 30 % and 35 % of India’s fertiliser imports, and up to 25‑30 % of Pakistan’s, Bangladesh’s, and Nepal’s imports, travel through routes that pass the Strait of Hormuz. Any prolonged blockage could therefore strain supply chains across the region.Governments are attempting to reassure farmers. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced expanded domestic production of urea, DAP and NPK, as well as the rollout of “Made‑in‑India Nano Urea” and solar‑powered irrigation under the PM Kusum scheme.Pakistan’s federal secretary for agriculture highlighted proactive monitoring, increased domestic urea and DAP output, and measures to keep fertiliser affordable.Bangladesh plans to import 500,000 tonnes of urea in the short term and is exploring alternative sources from China and Morocco, while Nepal’s agriculture ministry says supplies for the upcoming rainy season are secured, though it warns of possible shipment delays.On the ground, farmers are already adjusting. In Kashmir, mustard grower Ghulam Rasool says he reduces fertiliser use as soon as price signals rise, even before actual shortages appear. In Pakistan’s South Punjab, wheat farmer Muneer Ahmad fears higher costs will affect the entire community. In Bangladesh, Mohammad Ibrahim notes that fertiliser availability is becoming unpredictable, and in Nepal, Meghnath Aryal worries that delayed deliveries will hurt crop yields.These individual decisions have broader implications. Reduced fertiliser application can lower yields, which in turn pushes up food prices—a critical concern in a region where households allocate a large share of income to food.While no immediate shortage has been declared, the combination of higher global energy prices, logistical bottlenecks and geopolitical risk makes the situation volatile. Authorities in all four countries are urging farmers to supplement chemical inputs with organic alternatives such as manure, compost and green manuring.For Ramesh Kumar and millions of his peers, the distant Gulf crisis is not an abstract geopolitical story; it is a daily calculation of whether they can afford to feed their families and meet essential expenses.

A blinking fault light on NASA’s Orion spacecraft signalled a malfunction in the Universal Waste Management System (UWMS) just as the historic Artemis II crew began their 10‑day lunar‑orbit mission. Mission control reported the issue was resolved within minutes, stating: “Happy to report that toilet is go for use. We do recommend letting the system get to operating speed before donating fluid, and then letting it run a little bit after donation.”The $30 million (≈£22.6 million) UWMS, years in development, is hailed as a breakthrough in deep‑space sanitation, dramatically improving on the primitive setups used during Apollo. Back then, astronauts used a condom‑like urine collector and a bagged solid‑waste system that was prone to leaks and even produced “a turd floating through the air,” according to mission transcripts.Orion now features a private toilet cubicle – the first of its kind on a space shuttle – accessed through a floor hatch beside the main entry hatch. Handrails and foot tethers keep the crew anchored while inside.“We’re pretty fortunate as a crew to get a toilet with a door on this tiny spacecraft,” noted Jeremy Hansen of the Canadian Space Agency in a pre‑launch video. “The one place during the mission where we can go and actually feel like we’re alone for a moment.”The system uses a funnel attached to a hose for urine and a small seat for solid waste. Because everything floats, faeces are suctioned into a sealed bag at the bowl’s base and then compressed into a canister. The suction is loud enough that the cubicle is insulated and crew members must wear ear protection while using it.On longer stays, such as ISS missions, astronauts now recycle almost all liquid waste, turning urine and sweat into drinkable water. For the short Artemis II flight, urine will be vented daily and solid waste stored for disposal after return to Earth.Beyond comfort, the upgraded toilet is a mission‑critical component for NASA’s goal of a permanent lunar presence. Sustainable waste handling prevents health risks and avoids contaminating the pristine space environment with Earth microbes. As historian David Munns explained, “Actually thinking about not only toilets but the entire life‑support systems is one of the foundations of long‑term living in space.”

A US court has dismissed a lawsuit from WhatsApp's former security chief, who alleged that parent company Meta ignored internal flaws he flagged about the messaging app's digital defenses.Abdullah Baig, who claims he was fired in retaliation for raising these concerns, had alleged that billions of users had been put at risk because of these vulnerabilities. Thousands of employees could view sensitive user data, including profile photos and location, Baig claimed in the lawsuit filed in September. A judge ruled he had not presented enough evidence to move forward.The US district court in northern California ruled last month to dismiss Baig's claims, with the judge, Laurel Beeler, writing on 19 March that 'the complaint does not contain sufficient facts to show that the plaintiff reported violations of SEC rules or regulations.'Baig was head of WhatsApp's security division from 2021 to 2025. He said he had expressed concerns about cybersecurity issues to his supervisor five times but was ignored; he also said he wrote directly to Meta's CEO, Mark Zuckerberg, about what he saw as a violation of US Securities and Exchange Commission rules and escalating retaliation against him. He also claimed that the company didn't fix the hacking of more than 100,000 accounts daily – and focused instead on user growth. At the time, WhatsApp said in a statement that he was 'a former employee dismissed for poor performance' who had filed a suit based on distorted claims.A WhatsApp spokesperson said: 'This ruling reaffirms what we've said all along: These claims have no merit. We're proud of our strong record of protecting people's privacy and security, and will continue building on it.'Baig's lawyer suggested in a statement emailed to the Guardian that the legal fight was not over. 'Mr Baig is not done fighting for users,' said Wilmer Harris, who represents Baig. 'The judge dismissed on pleading grounds, not merit, and we look forward to addressing those deficiencies and ensuring Meta has to finally engage with the substance of Mr Baig's allegations.'

OpenAI, the parent company of ChatGPT, has made a significant move into the media business by acquiring TBPN, a technology-focused talkshow closely watched by Silicon Valley insiders. The show, hosted by John Coogan and Jordi Hays, broadcasts live for three hours every weekday from Los Angeles, featuring guests such as founders, venture capitalists, and major figures in the technology world. The acquisition is part of OpenAI's efforts to engage more authentically with the public at a pivotal moment for artificial intelligence. Fidji Simo, OpenAI's chief of strategy, stated that the company aims to create a space for real, constructive conversation about the changes AI creates. She emphasized that TBPN will continue to run its programming, choose its guests, and make its own editorial decisions, ensuring its credibility is maintained. TBPN is known for its unique ritual where guests announce their latest fundraising haul, accompanied by the hosts banging a gong. The show is broadcast on X, YouTube, and Spotify, and will continue to air daily at its regular time. Coogan expressed his excitement about the acquisition, calling it a 'full circle moment' given his longstanding ties to OpenAI's chief executive, Sam Altman, who funded his first company in 2013. This strategic move comes on the heels of OpenAI closing a $122 billion funding round amid the AI boom, highlighting the company's growing influence and investment in the technology sector.

TikTok announced the removal of a high‑profile Israeli far‑right influencer’s account after The Guardian identified videos in which he assaulted left‑wing activists in the occupied West Bank. The platform said the content breached its community guidelines on hate speech and bullying. The influencer, identified as Roi Star, posted footage in January showing himself entering a house used by activists in Ras Ein al‑Auja and using pepper spray on a protester who tried to stop him. In the same clip, he shouted, “This is Judea, not Palestine,” and later threatened to disclose personal details of the activists and their families. When contacted, Star claimed he was “talking about peace” and argued that the area was an open Israeli public space, insisting that his use of pepper spray was the “most minimal” defensive measure. He later described the incident as “acting” and said his intentions were not “extreme.” TikTok’s statement emphasized that its policies prohibit “violent and hateful individuals, including extremist praise or glorification,” and that the account was taken down for breaching these rules. The company also said it had removed additional videos linked to other Israeli far‑right agitators, though it did not disclose further details. The incident occurs against a backdrop of rising far‑right activity on social platforms since the Gaza war began in October 2023. Israeli forces and settlers have been responsible for the deaths of over 1,000 Palestinians in the West Bank, and recent weeks have seen an escalation of attacks on homes and activists. Human‑rights groups warn that the online amplification of such content fuels real‑world violence. Yuli Novak, executive director of B’Tselem, said dehumanising Palestinians has become “mainstream in Israel,” while digital‑media scholar Prof. Anat Ben‑David highlighted the “troubling convergence between platform dynamics and on‑the‑ground violence.” Activists on the ground report a profound psychological impact, with one resident of Masafer Yatta noting that the videos heighten fear among Palestinians living under daily settler attacks. The phenomenon mirrors the rhetoric of Israel’s far‑right politicians. In August 2025, National Security Minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir faced criticism for posting a video taunting Palestinian leader Marwan Barghouti, while Knesset member Zvi Sukkot was filmed denying settler violence in the West Bank, framing the settlement enterprise as a biblical right. Meta’s Instagram continues to host numerous accounts linked to similar agitators, though the company has not responded to requests for comment. Experts argue that while platform policies technically forbid hate‑speech, their vague language allows harmful content to spread unchecked, underscoring the need for stronger enforcement to curb the digital propagation of extremist narratives.

The United States is expanding its military footprint in the Gulf as the US‑Israel war with Iran enters its second month. Since the Feb. 28 launch of Operation Epic Fury, a joint air campaign targeting Iranian military and nuclear sites, more than four weeks of strikes have resulted in thousands of casualties.Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced the deployment of a third aircraft carrier, the USS George HW Bush, joining the USS Abraham Lincoln, which is currently conducting daily combat sorties from the Arabian Sea, and the USS Gerald Ford, now under maintenance in Croatia.These carrier groups carry thousands of sailors, Marines and specialised support personnel, forming the core of the US’s power projection in the region.Carrier Strike Group (CSG) refers to an aircraft carrier plus its escort ships and support units that together function as a floating base. A typical CSG includes:An aircraft carrier60‑75 fighter jets and helicopters2‑4 Arleigh Burke‑class destroyersA guided‑missile cruiserA submarine for underwater protectionSupply shipsAs of April 1, the USS Abraham Lincoln remains the only carrier launching daily combat missions against Iranian targets, while the USS George HW Bush is en route and expected to eventually replace the Gerald Ford in the Mediterranean.Amphibious Ready Group (ARG) operates as a mini‑carrier, carrying US Marines and equipment for sea‑to‑land invasions. The USS Tripoli ARG arrived in the Middle East on March 27, and the USS Boxer ARG is expected to join the theater by mid‑April. An ARG typically comprises:Three specialised ships~2,200 Marines (a Marine Expeditionary Unit)Short‑takeoff aircraftLanding craft for beach assaultsThe key distinction: ARGs are built to land troops on shore, whereas CSGs are designed to project air power and conduct major naval warfare.A Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU) is a rapid‑response, self‑contained force of 2,200‑2,500 Marine Corps personnel capable of combat and humanitarian missions. On Friday, US Central Command confirmed that 2,200 Marines from the 31st MEU arrived in Middle Eastern waters after departing Sasebo, Japan, on March 13. A second unit, the 11th MEU with roughly 2,500 Marines, is inbound after leaving San Diego on March 18.The Pentagon has also ordered about 2,000 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division to move to the region, adding to the approximately 50,000 US troops already stationed in the Middle East.An MEU is organized into four elements:Command Element – ~200 personnel for planning and command‑and‑control.Ground Combat Element – ~1,200 troops centered on an infantry battalion with artillery and armoured vehicles.Aviation Combat Element – ~500 personnel operating transport helicopters, attack aircraft and Osprey tilt‑rotors.Logistics Combat Element – ~300 personnel providing up to 15 days of self‑sustainment, including medical, engineering and maintenance support.MEUs are typically deployed aboard a three‑ship ARG, which serves as a floating base. The ships include:Landing Helicopter Assault/Dock – a small carrier carrying short‑takeoff aircraft such as F‑35Bs and attack helicopters.Amphibious Transport Dock – a mid‑size vessel transporting troops and heavy vehicles.Dock Landing Ship – primarily for cargo and heavy equipment.MEUs can execute sea‑to‑land assaults, raids, evacuations, humanitarian aid and disaster‑relief operations, and they are often the first forces on the ground in emerging conflicts.The US Marine Corps maintains seven active MEUs; the 31st (Asia‑Pacific) and 11th (West Coast) are currently assigned to the Iran war. The other units are distributed as follows:East Coast: 22nd, 24th, 26th MEUWest Coast: 11th, 13th, 15th MEUAsia‑Pacific: 31st MEUTypically, three MEUs are forward‑positioned at any time, rotating through deployments in the Mediterranean, Gulf and Asia‑Pacific regions.Historically, MEUs have played pivotal roles in US operations: during the 2001 Afghanistan invasion, the 15th and 26th MEUs conducted one of the longest amphibious vertical insertions; in 2003‑2004 they helped secure Iraqi ports and fought in Fallujah; and in 2024 they provided sea‑based support for the attempted abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.