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Bath’s historic Farleigh House training centre has been spruced up this week with black flags fluttering alongside a new “Choose Greatness” banner, signalling the club’s ambition as they approach a Champions Cup last‑16 tie with Saracens. For Max Ojomoh, the atmosphere feels like a personal challenge. Just weeks after collecting the Man of the Match award for his decisive performance against Argentina, the 25‑year‑old found himself omitted from Steve Borthwick’s Six Nations squad. Ojomoh believes that a dominant display for Bath – especially after the 62‑15 demolition of Saracens in the Premiership – could revive his England prospects, but he also acknowledges that national selectors may have a specific back‑line profile in mind for the upcoming World Cup. Reflecting on his Argentina heroics, Ojomoh said, “If that was my final Test, I’m happy to have left a mark on international rugby.” Yet the disappointment of watching England lose to Ireland from a Moroccan pub underscores how close the margins are for a player on the fringe. He explained the selection dilemma: with centre Ollie Lawrence returning from injury, the squad needed a more physical ball‑carrier, and Ojomoh’s role as a second‑receiver/playmaker meant he was the one to make way. England’s coaching staff have asked him to sharpen three key areas – post‑contact metres, defensive intensity and overall work‑rate. While these are valid targets, Ojomoh points out that few English centres combine his blend of pace, vision and creative kicking. Back at Bath, his partnership with newly‑signed Finn Russell has blossomed. “When we signed Finn, I didn’t expect us to think alike on attack,” Ojomoh remarked, highlighting a shared instinct that fuels his confidence. Coach Johann van Graan’s influence is evident, with the club’s motivational signage and a focused training environment that Ojomoh describes as “single‑minded”. He hopes the upcoming match will provide a platform for a first home Champions Cup quarter‑final since 2002. Family wisdom also plays a role; his father, former England centre Steve Ojomoh, reminded him that “the cream always rises to the top”. With a business degree from the University of Bath and a hobby of online chess, the younger Ojomoh is aware that consistent club performances could shift national perception. Looking ahead, Ojomoh is determined to make the 2027 World Cup squad. He admits that obsession over selection can be self‑destructive, emphasizing the need for mental clarity and playing with the same confidence he shows in his head. As Bath prepares for the high‑stakes clash with Saracens, Ojomoh’s mantra remains clear: choose greatness, stay true to his strengths, and let his on‑field X‑factor speak for itself.

Several readers have voiced alarm over the unfolding US‑Israel war on Iran, describing it as a chaotic and unjustified conflict that threatens regional stability and global order.One contributor likens the situation to a “spectacle of two rogue nations armed with nuclear weapons fighting to prevent a third from acquiring similar capabilities,” warning that the resulting chaos could embolden other territorial disputes, from China’s claim on Taiwan to Argentina’s claim on the Falklands. The writer urges individuals to emulate the anti‑apartheid boycott campaign, suggesting a coordinated boycott of US and Israeli products and a disengagement from the upcoming FIFA World Cup as potential levers to pressure the belligerents.Another letter critiques the tone of the original editorial, arguing that the war’s justification—purported nuclear compliance and regime change—was merely “grist to throw into the media mill.” The author characterises President Trump’s approach as a personal crusade, describing it as a “hyperbolic truth” that seeks to vent anger and claim divine credit, with the war ending only when Trump’s interest wanes.A third commentator questions the UK’s role, noting that despite initial resistance, British bases have quietly accommodated US and Israeli forces, mirroring the pattern seen in Gaza. The writer warns that the conflict could inflict a “disaster for our economy and that of Europe” that may last for years, calling the war both “immoral” and “illegal” and urging a policy reversal.Concern is also expressed about China’s silence. Citing a recent Guardian editorial, a reader points out that Beijing’s proclaimed “major‑country diplomacy” has not translated into constructive mediation, similar to its restrained stance on the Ukraine war. The letter argues that the global benefits of peace outweigh any short‑term advantage China might gain from allowing two wars to continue, and calls on allies of China to press the government into action.Collectively, these letters highlight a growing perception that the war in Iran is driven more by political posturing than by clear strategic objectives, and they advocate for a combination of economic pressure, public dissent, and diplomatic engagement to halt the escalation.

Alan Cumming’s latest theatrical venture – The High Life: The Musical, Still Living It! – bursts onto the stage as a gleeful, pantomime‑style extension of the cult 1994 TV sitcom. Co‑written by series creator Johnny McKnight alongside Alan Cumming and Forbes Masson, the production is deliberately overloaded with jokes, ranging from references to Andrew Mountbatten‑Windsor to a tongue‑in‑cheek nod to Sheena Easton. The show’s panto DNA runs deep. Audiences are addressed directly, invited to sing along, and treated to an underwater neon‑tube dance. The set, a whimsical take on a Brigadoon‑style hotel, features tartan wallpaper designed by Colin Richmond, a life‑size dog, and multiple costume changes that heighten the spectacle. Returning to the stage, Cumming reprises the role of flight attendant Sebastian Flight, while Masson appears as his counterpart Steve McCracken. They are joined by a “legacy cast” that includes Siobhan Redmond as the exacting supervisor Shona Spurtle and Patrick Ryecart delivering a delightfully unhinged performance as Captain Hilary Duff. Supporting them are high‑energy performers Rachael Kendall Brown, Louise McCarthy and Kyle Gardiner, who navigate Masson’s clever, rhyming songs that swing from Broadway flair to Eurovision sparkle. Beyond the slapstick plot – a cartoonish battle over the fictional airline Air Scotia and a detour to the “Lower Largo Triangle” – the musical hints at deeper questions about ageing, national identity and the need for cultural renewal, echoing themes raised in earlier Scottish adaptations. Directed by Andrew Panton, the production is a joint effort between Dundee Rep and the National Theatre of Scotland. It runs at Dundee Rep until 4 April before embarking on a UK tour that concludes on 23 May. In the end, the show is less a philosophical treatise and more a big, joyous laugh‑fest that celebrates the spirit of pantomime.

The blockade of the Strait of Hormuz has raised concerns about a potential global food crisis due to its impact on fertiliser supplies. The strait is a critical passage for 20% of global natural gas shipments and a third of the global trade in raw materials for fertiliser.The head of the International Rescue Committee, David Miliband, has warned that the situation is a 'food security timebomb', with the window to avert a massive global hunger crisis rapidly closing.Fertiliser prices have already risen by more than 60% in Egypt, reaching $780 (£586) a tonne, up from about $484 in late February. The Qatar Fertiliser Company (QAFCO), the world's largest single site for urea exports, has been offline for almost a month.The Middle East is the source of about 45% of the global trade in sulphur, a key raw material for fertiliser manufacture. Iran is the fourth-largest global exporter of urea, the most widely used nitrogen fertiliser.A prolonged transport shutdown could disrupt production and increase costs, leading to higher food prices and exacerbating global hunger. The world's poorest countries are among the most vulnerable to fertiliser price rises.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) released a comprehensive report titled None Can Run Away, concluding that Burkina Faso’s military, its allied Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland (VDPs), and the al‑Qaeda‑linked Jama’at Nusrat al‑Islam wa al‑Muslimin (JNIM) have perpetrated war crimes and crimes against humanity since the coup that brought the junta to power in September 2022. Through in‑person and telephone interviews with more than 450 witnesses across Burkina Faso, Benin, Ivory Coast, Ghana and Mali, HRW verified 57 distinct incidents involving wilful killing, attacks on civilians and civilian objects, pillage, looting, and forced displacement. The report estimates that 1,837 civilians were killed between January 2023 and August 2025, with over 1,200 deaths directly linked to government forces. The United Nations estimates that the conflict has displaced approximately two million people, underscoring a humanitarian crisis of regional magnitude. Among the deadliest attacks, the military and VDP militias slaughtered more than 400 civilians across 16 villages near the northern town of Djibo in December 2023. In November 2023, allied militias killed 13 Fulani civilians—including six women and four children—in the western village of Basse, employing methods described by survivors as “blindfolded, hands tied, and riddled with bullets.” JNIM’s own atrocities were highlighted by the August 24, 2024 massacre in Barsalogho, where at least 133 civilians, many of them children, were shot indiscriminately. HRW’s findings point to a systematic targeting of the Fulani ethnic group, whom the junta accuses of supporting armed insurgents, resulting in what the report characterises as an ethnic cleansing of entire communities. HRW calls for urgent investigations into President Ibrahim Traoré, the supreme commander of the armed forces, and six senior military commanders for “grave abuses.” The organization also urges scrutiny of Iyad Ag Ghaly, JNIM’s supreme leader wanted by the International Criminal Court, and four of his commanders under the principle of command responsibility. “The scale of atrocities taking place in Burkina Faso is mind‑boggling, as is the lack of global attention to this crisis,” said Philippe Bolopion, executive director of HRW. “The junta is committing horrific abuses itself, failing to hold those responsible on all sides to account, and curtailing reporting to obscure the suffering of civilians caught in the violence.” Survivors recount harrowing details: a 41‑year‑old father described his son’s body “shot in the back of the neck,” while a 39‑year‑old witness to the Barsalogho attack said, “People were falling like flies. They came to exterminate us. They did not spare anyone.” These revelations amplify calls from the international community for accountability and for renewed humanitarian assistance to the millions displaced by the protracted Sahel conflict.

UK businesses are planning to raise their prices more rapidly in the coming months due to the escalating costs triggered by the Iran conflict. A recent survey conducted by the Bank of England among over 2,000 chief financial officers revealed that companies now anticipate increasing their prices by 3.7% over the next year. This marks an increase from 3.4% in February, while the expectation of inflation across the economy has also risen from 3% to 3.5%. The effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz has significantly driven up oil and gas prices, leading to predictions of wider price rises as these higher costs impact industries. The UK Chancellor, Rachel Reeves, has met with retail bosses to discuss the risks of supply shortages and price increases. There is also pressure on her to mitigate the impact of likely rises in household gas and electricity bills before next winter and to reconsider plans for a 5p per liter increase in fuel duty set to take effect by next March. Bank of England policymakers are closely monitoring UK companies' pricing intentions as they consider whether to raise interest rates in the coming months from their current level of 3.75%. Financial markets are currently pricing in two interest rate rises by the end of the year, reflecting a sharp turnaround from expectations of rate cuts before the conflict began. However, Bank of England Governor Andrew Bailey has cautioned that markets may be getting ahead of themselves, and weak consumer demand may prevent companies from passing on cost increases to their customers. He noted that businesses often report an absence of pricing power. Inflation on the consumer price index was steady at 3% in February but is now expected to rise.

The United States is expanding its military footprint in the Gulf as the US‑Israel war with Iran enters its second month. Since the Feb. 28 launch of Operation Epic Fury, a joint air campaign targeting Iranian military and nuclear sites, more than four weeks of strikes have resulted in thousands of casualties.Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced the deployment of a third aircraft carrier, the USS George HW Bush, joining the USS Abraham Lincoln, which is currently conducting daily combat sorties from the Arabian Sea, and the USS Gerald Ford, now under maintenance in Croatia.These carrier groups carry thousands of sailors, Marines and specialised support personnel, forming the core of the US’s power projection in the region.Carrier Strike Group (CSG) refers to an aircraft carrier plus its escort ships and support units that together function as a floating base. A typical CSG includes:An aircraft carrier60‑75 fighter jets and helicopters2‑4 Arleigh Burke‑class destroyersA guided‑missile cruiserA submarine for underwater protectionSupply shipsAs of April 1, the USS Abraham Lincoln remains the only carrier launching daily combat missions against Iranian targets, while the USS George HW Bush is en route and expected to eventually replace the Gerald Ford in the Mediterranean.Amphibious Ready Group (ARG) operates as a mini‑carrier, carrying US Marines and equipment for sea‑to‑land invasions. The USS Tripoli ARG arrived in the Middle East on March 27, and the USS Boxer ARG is expected to join the theater by mid‑April. An ARG typically comprises:Three specialised ships~2,200 Marines (a Marine Expeditionary Unit)Short‑takeoff aircraftLanding craft for beach assaultsThe key distinction: ARGs are built to land troops on shore, whereas CSGs are designed to project air power and conduct major naval warfare.A Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU) is a rapid‑response, self‑contained force of 2,200‑2,500 Marine Corps personnel capable of combat and humanitarian missions. On Friday, US Central Command confirmed that 2,200 Marines from the 31st MEU arrived in Middle Eastern waters after departing Sasebo, Japan, on March 13. A second unit, the 11th MEU with roughly 2,500 Marines, is inbound after leaving San Diego on March 18.The Pentagon has also ordered about 2,000 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division to move to the region, adding to the approximately 50,000 US troops already stationed in the Middle East.An MEU is organized into four elements:Command Element – ~200 personnel for planning and command‑and‑control.Ground Combat Element – ~1,200 troops centered on an infantry battalion with artillery and armoured vehicles.Aviation Combat Element – ~500 personnel operating transport helicopters, attack aircraft and Osprey tilt‑rotors.Logistics Combat Element – ~300 personnel providing up to 15 days of self‑sustainment, including medical, engineering and maintenance support.MEUs are typically deployed aboard a three‑ship ARG, which serves as a floating base. The ships include:Landing Helicopter Assault/Dock – a small carrier carrying short‑takeoff aircraft such as F‑35Bs and attack helicopters.Amphibious Transport Dock – a mid‑size vessel transporting troops and heavy vehicles.Dock Landing Ship – primarily for cargo and heavy equipment.MEUs can execute sea‑to‑land assaults, raids, evacuations, humanitarian aid and disaster‑relief operations, and they are often the first forces on the ground in emerging conflicts.The US Marine Corps maintains seven active MEUs; the 31st (Asia‑Pacific) and 11th (West Coast) are currently assigned to the Iran war. The other units are distributed as follows:East Coast: 22nd, 24th, 26th MEUWest Coast: 11th, 13th, 15th MEUAsia‑Pacific: 31st MEUTypically, three MEUs are forward‑positioned at any time, rotating through deployments in the Mediterranean, Gulf and Asia‑Pacific regions.Historically, MEUs have played pivotal roles in US operations: during the 2001 Afghanistan invasion, the 15th and 26th MEUs conducted one of the longest amphibious vertical insertions; in 2003‑2004 they helped secure Iraqi ports and fought in Fallujah; and in 2024 they provided sea‑based support for the attempted abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.

A devastating explosion at a military base in Burundi's economic capital, Bujumbura, has resulted in at least 13 civilian fatalities and 57 injuries. The blast, caused by an electrical short circuit, occurred at the main ammunition depot of the Burundi National Defence Force (FDNB) in Musaga, a densely populated area.The army reported that houses and private vehicles were damaged in various neighborhoods, while military equipment and facilities were destroyed or burned. Three soldiers were among those wounded, but the army did not specify if any soldiers had been killed.The explosion occurred in a densely populated area adjoining the Higher Institute for Military Cadres (ISCAM), where aspiring army officers are trained and housed. Firefighting efforts were initially slowed by a water shortage, exacerbating the damage.Burundi, ranked by the World Bank as the world's poorest country by GDP per capita in 2023, has faced years of deep economic crises, including a severe fuel shortage. President Evariste Ndayishimiye expressed his sympathy to the victims, while authorities urged citizens to report unexploded munitions.

Israel’s parliament has approved a law that authorises the death penalty solely for Palestinians convicted in West Bank military courts for what the courts define as "terrorism" killings of Israelis. The measure was greeted with celebration by far‑right politicians, yet it has drawn swift rebuke from the United Nations human‑rights chief, who warned it could constitute a war crime, and from a broad coalition of international observers.Israeli rights organisations argue that the law is the latest manifestation of an apartheid‑style legal framework that systematically privileges Jewish citizens while imposing severe penalties on Palestinians. They contend that such legislation entrenches a system of codified discrimination that has evolved since the state’s founding.Under the new rule, military tribunals in the occupied West Bank – which exclusively try Palestinians – will, by default, impose the death sentence on anyone found guilty of an unlawful killing of Israelis classified as terrorism. In contrast, Israeli citizens charged with comparable offences in the same territory are tried in civilian courts, where the death penalty is not applied.Statistics underscore the disparity: conviction rates for Palestinians in military courts hover at an astonishing 99.74%, whereas Israelis tried for crimes committed in the West Bank have a conviction rate of roughly 3% between 2005 and 2024. These figures highlight the stark imbalance in judicial outcomes.Arab‑Israeli lawmaker Aida Touma‑Suleiman of the Hadash party expressed her dismay, leaving the parliamentary chamber after the vote and stating she anticipated “scenes of happiness” from far‑right figures but was “painful” to see the public echo the same sentiment.The law follows a series of statutes that critics say have progressively eroded Palestinian rights, including the 1950 Absentees’ Property Law, the 2003 Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law, and the 2018 Nation‑State Law, which enshrines Jewish supremacy in identity, settlement policy, and constitutional hierarchy while marginalising Arabic.Human‑rights advocate Yair Dvir of B’Tselem described Israel as an “apartheid regime,” noting that a “whole set of laws” differentiate between Jews and Palestinians and that the death‑penalty legislation is less an outlier than a logical extension of existing policies that deny Palestinians the right to life.Analysts argue that the dehumanisation of Palestinians has deepened to the point where capital punishment can be enacted with minimal dissent and even public celebration by parliamentarians.Physician‑rights activist Tirza Leibowitz of Physicians for Human Rights – Israel warned that the law exemplifies a broader pattern of violations, ranging from inhumane prison conditions to a legal system that often refuses to investigate crimes against Palestinians or actively shields abusive practices.She cited the unresolved deaths of more than 100 Palestinians in the West Bank since the October 2023 Gaza conflict, highlighting the case of 17‑year‑old Walid Ahmad, whose death by starvation in custody was ruled “undeterminable” by an Israeli judge, as evidence of the low value placed on Palestinian lives.Leibowitz also pointed to the recent dropping of charges against soldiers accused of sexual abuse at Sde Temain prison, noting that far‑right protesters, including lawmakers, rallied in support of the accused, further normalising systemic abuse.Touma‑Suleiman linked the new law to the 2018 Nation‑State legislation, recalling a confrontation with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in which he dismissed her criticism, insisting Israel remains “the Middle East’s only democracy.” She later observed that far‑right leader Itamar Ben‑Gvir has openly chanted “Death to Arabs,” rebranding it as “Death to terrorists,” thereby blurring the line between extremist rhetoric and state policy.Overall, the death‑penalty law is being portrayed by critics as a stark illustration of an entrenched apartheid system, raising serious questions about Israel’s adherence to international legal standards and the future of Palestinian rights under occupation.