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UEFA is expected to secure in excess of €1 billion (£870 million) annually from sponsorships linked to its club tournaments starting next season, a surge of over 40% that will lift the governing body’s total commercial income past the €6 billion mark.The commercial joint venture UC3 – jointly owned by UEFA and its clubs – is finalising two flagship agreements: an official payments processor and a technology partner. These contracts will complete a roster of premium global partners and underpin the projected revenue jump.Long‑term sponsorships have already been locked in. AB InBev will serve as UEFA’s official beer partner, committing €230 million per year—far above the €120 million reserve price—while Pepsi will extend its soft‑drink partnership for another six years, also exceeding the reserve threshold. Nike is currently in exclusive talks to replace Adidas as the match‑ball supplier.These sponsorship gains complement a booming TV‑rights market. Rights sales in the UK rose 20% and in Germany 30% last year, with further tenders underway across 21 territories. UEFA now projects annual TV‑rights valuations to top €5 billion, meaning the combined commercial haul will comfortably exceed €6 billion.Relevent Football Partners, the American agency appointed by UC3, has overhauled UEFA’s sales process, creating a new “elevated partners” tier that bundles commercial rights across all three UEFA club competitions. This package offers exposure across 531 matches per season, far surpassing the 189‑match footprint of the Champions League alone.The influx of cash will primarily benefit the elite clubs. UEFA currently allocates 74% of its prize fund and 56% of club‑competition revenue to Champions League participants, with the remainder split between Europa League (17%) and Conference League (9%). Seven clubs already received over €100 million in prize money last season, led by Paris Saint‑Germain’s €144.4 million haul.Such concentration of wealth has reignited debate over revenue distribution. The Union of European Clubs (UEC) has proposed a revised split of 50‑30‑20 among the three competitions, directing a larger share into domestic leagues rather than straight to clubs. However, given the influence of the biggest clubs within UC3, the proposal faces an uphill battle.UEFA and Relevent declined to comment on the negotiations.

National Gas announced that the United Kingdom will have enough gas to satisfy summer demand despite recent tensions in the Strait of Hormuz. The network, which runs the country’s gas pipelines, says domestic and Norwegian supplies will cover the low‑usage months, meaning liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports will be minimal this summer. The real challenge lies ahead. While renewable rollout is accelerating, gas will remain a core part of the UK’s energy mix for at least the next two decades. It accounts for about 37% of total gas consumption in 2024, with domestic heating being the largest single use. Replacing millions of boilers with heat pumps cannot happen quickly, especially given the current sluggish pace. Government plans for 2030 still require the full 35 GW of gas‑fired generation capacity to stay online as backup. Energy department data released in early 2025 showed gas demand “broadly stable” for the third consecutive year, representing roughly half of the nation’s 75.2% fossil‑fuel dependency. In the debate over new North Sea drilling licences, the key question is where future gas will come from. Oxford energy economist Sir Dieter Helm, speaking on a Chatham House podcast, warned that gas will dominate the energy supply for the next decade or two and that the cheapest, least polluting option is pipeline gas—not LNG. Analysis from Wood Mackenzie confirms this hierarchy. Pipeline gas from modern Norwegian platforms has the lowest carbon intensity, followed by UK North Sea pipelines. By contrast, LNG adds significant emissions during liquefaction and regasification, and US LNG is the most carbon‑intensive because much of it originates from shale gas with higher methane leakage. Wood Mackenzie’s import forecasts to 2045 paint a stark picture: if domestic production wanes, the UK could rely on US LNG for over 60% of its total gas supply by 2035. The firm notes that Middle‑East gas is geared toward Asian markets, while US cargoes are increasingly directed to Europe, raising concerns about over‑reliance on a single supplier. These projections underpin the argument for expanding UK North Sea extraction. More domestic drilling would reduce dependence on US LNG—a geopolitical risk given the United States’ tendency to use energy as a foreign‑policy lever—and would also lower the overall carbon footprint of the gas supply chain. Critics often claim that North Sea output is exported, so it does not improve national security. Two counter‑points are clear: first, gas delivered directly via pipeline to the UK network is inherently more secure than trans‑Atlantic cargoes; second, the UK could negotiate long‑term, fixed‑price contracts with producers, a model that worked well in the early days of North Sea development. None of this diminishes the importance of renewables and nuclear power. Electrification remains the long‑term goal, but gas will stay in the energy basket for years to come. Offshore Energies UK estimates that, with a pragmatic licensing approach, reliance on LNG could be limited to 6% of total gas supplies by 2035. Assuming political stalemate eases, the pending approval of the Jackdaw field—accounting for roughly 6% of current domestic production—could spark a more nuanced debate about the UK’s gas procurement strategy, moving beyond the simplistic “renewables vs. gas” narrative. Reflecting on the recent Iran‑UK conflict, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak highlighted the need for “secure, homegrown energy”. The logical follow‑up is twofold: accelerate electrification to cut gas demand, and while gas remains essential, avoid turning the UK into an “energy prisoner of the US”. Beyond the geopolitical and environmental benefits, expanding North Sea output would also support jobs, tax revenue, and the balance of payments.

The White House Council of Economic Advisers released an analysis estimating that the United States faces a shortage of roughly 10 million homes. The report argues that easing regulatory burdens could unlock a construction surge, stabilise home prices, expand home‑ownership and accelerate overall economic growth. President Donald Trump signed two executive orders in March directing federal agencies to reduce housing‑regulation costs and to facilitate mortgage lending by smaller banks. Yet, critics note that the administration has been slow to prioritize high housing costs amid falling approval ratings tied to tariffs, the US‑Israel conflict with Iran, and unmet inflation‑reduction promises. Mortgage rates have risen from just under 6 % to 6.37 % for a 30‑year loan, further inflating the cost of home purchase. Trump has publicly defended higher home prices to protect existing owners, stating, “I don’t want to drive housing prices down… I want to drive housing prices up for people that own their homes.” The housing chapter of the annual Economic Report of the President, obtained by the Associated Press, outlines a blueprint showing how increased homebuilding could benefit the middle class and the broader economy, providing a potential political narrative for the president. According to the report, if homebuilding had continued at its pre‑2008 pace, the nation would have **10 million more houses** today. The 2008 crisis, driven by risky lending and a housing bubble, still casts a long shadow. Home prices have surged **82 % since 2000**, while median incomes have risen only **12 %**, a disparity previously softened by historically low mortgage rates. The post‑COVID inflation spike and higher rates have made affordability a top concern for voters under 40. Regulatory costs—dubbed the “bureaucrat tax”—are estimated to add **over $100,000 per new home** through updated building codes, compliance fees and zoning approvals. The report projects that trimming these costs could enable the construction of **up to 13.2 million homes**, potentially delivering an **average 1.3 percentage‑point boost to annual GDP** over the next decade and supporting **two million manufacturing and construction jobs**. One administration official, speaking on condition of anonymity, suggested that federal funding to states could be tied to regulatory reductions, creating a financial incentive for local governments. The analysis also criticises the green‑energy housing standards introduced under former President Joe Biden, which mandate more efficient HVAC systems and water‑heater requirements. Citing a 2021 National Association of Home Builders study, the report claims these standards could add **up to $31,000** to a new home’s price, with a **payback period of up to 90 years** for homeowners via lower utility bills. While rolling back such standards might lower upfront costs, the report acknowledges potential long‑term utility‑bill increases for owners. Legal challenges further complicate the picture: a Texas federal judge recently sided with 15 Republican‑led states, deeming the Biden‑era standards for federally backed housing **unlawful**. Overall, the White House’s proposal positions regulatory reform as a lever to address the housing deficit, stimulate economic growth, and generate jobs, while navigating the political and environmental trade‑offs inherent in the debate.

A 27-year-old woman, Sana, living in western Tehran with her roommate, Fatemeh, has survived two wars in the past year. The latest conflict began on February 28, when missiles hit Tehran at 9:40 am. Sana had already experienced the 12-day war in June 2025 and was determined not to leave the city again.As the war intensified, Sana and Fatemeh learned to anticipate strikes during certain windows: early morning, afternoon, and after 11 pm. They relied on supermarket deliveries and made frantic dashes to shops when necessary. The internet was often down, and they used virtual private networks (VPNs) to stay connected.On March 16, Sana experienced one of the worst nights of her life when a massive explosion occurred near Mehrabad airport. She and Fatemeh sprinted down the fire escape to the parking garage, fearing for their lives. The war had turned her daily life into a grim routine.Despite the challenges, Sana tried to maintain a sense of normalcy. She kept her job while many others were laid off, and she booked an appointment for a haircut and nails after the ceasefire was announced. These small acts helped her feel human again in the midst of chaos.

The National Gallery of Art's latest exhibition, 'Dear America: Artists Explore the American Experience', is a thought-provoking collection of over 100 works by 95 artists. This 'open letter to the nation' offers a multifaceted exploration of the American experience, delving into themes of land, community, and freedom.Upon entering the exhibition, visitors are immediately struck by the unconventional representations of iconic American symbols. The Statue of Liberty, for instance, is reimagined through the lens of South African photographer Zanele Muholi and a geometric screenprint by Roy Lichtenstein.The exhibition's curatorial approach is to create 'provocative conversations across centuries, disciplines and demographics.' E Carmen Ramos, the gallery's chief curatorial and conservation officer, notes that the show was 'years in the making' and showcases an 'embarrassment of riches' from the gallery's permanent collection of over 160,000 works.Structured around three core themes – land, community, and freedom – the exhibition presents a diverse array of works. These include Thomas Moran's idyllic watercolours of the American West juxtaposed with Thomas Hart Johnson's photographs of a landscape ravaged by coal mining and railroads. The exhibition also features poignant pieces such as Carrie Mae Weems's haunting silhouette and Gordon Parks's indelible 'American Gothic.'The show's second section, 'Community,' features Richard Avedon's massive 1976 commission 'The Family,' which comprises 69 stark, uniform portraits of the bicentennial era's political, media, and corporate elite. This is contrasted with John Wilson's tender sketches of his teenage children and their friends.The final act of the exhibition turns its lens to 'Freedom,' showcasing historical portraits of figures such as Frederick Douglass, Sojourner Truth, and George Washington, alongside powerful works by Kara Walker, Martha Rosler, and Faith Ringgold. As visitors exit, they are met with Robert Indiana's boldly coloured screenprint 'Liberty '76,' created for the 1976 bicentennial.Ramos reflects on the exhibition's significance, stating that it 'explores how artists in the United States have explored the American experience across different moments in time.' The exhibition will be on view in the National Gallery's West Building until 20 September.

The 2018 World Cup in Russia served as a high‑profile platform for Vladimir Putin, showcasing his nation and bolstering his personal legitimacy. The tournament was effectively a diplomatic bow to the Kremlin’s ambitions.Fast‑forward to the summer of 2026, and the buildup to the event has taken on a distinctly American flavour, with the competition becoming a backdrop for Donald Trump’s political narrative.The next edition, slated for 2034 in Saudi Arabia, presents a fresh set of challenges. Despite the kingdom’s controversial human‑rights record, the event offers Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman an opportunity to polish his and the nation’s image. FIFA’s current reluctance to enforce independent oversight of migrant‑worker conditions raises fears that construction could be as deadly as the 2022 Qatar experience.These developments underscore a pressing need to insulate the World Cup from the whims of powerful leaders. One proposed solution is to fragment the tournament—treating it like a monopoly that has become too dominant.Evidence that this approach is feasible already exists: the 2026 World Cup will be co‑hosted by three nations, and the 2030 edition is set to span six countries across three continents (Spain, Portugal, Morocco, Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay).Building on that, the author suggests a radical redesign: allocate each group stage to a different global city—Paris, Rio de Janeiro, Tokyo, Sydney, Johannesburg, London, the Basque Country, and so on. Knock‑out rounds could be broken into three‑match clusters and scattered worldwide, with the semi‑finals, final, and third‑place match awarded to the highest‑bidding venue.Carbon‑footprint concerns are addressed by noting that teams already travel long distances to a single host nation; distributing groups based on the median distance to participating teams would not significantly increase emissions.Financially, the cost of staging a traditional, single‑host World Cup has ballooned, limiting the pool of viable bidders to those seeking political or economic leverage. A decentralized format would dilute any single leader’s ability—whether Trump, Putin, or the Saudi crown prince—to manipulate the event for personal gain.Decentralisation would still align with FIFA’s stated objectives: expanding the sport’s reach, creating a truly global spectacle, and bringing football closer to fans worldwide.While FIFA claims a fiduciary duty to maximise revenue for its 211 member associations—justifying steep ticket prices and controversial sponsorships—the proposed model could actually enhance revenue by turning each small cluster of matches into premium, high‑value events.Precedent exists in the form of Euro 2020, which, despite being postponed by the pandemic, successfully unfolded across 11 European cities, delivering record‑breaking goal tallies and strong attendance figures.In sum, the most effective way to protect the World Cup’s cultural significance and prevent its exploitation by authoritarian figures may be to deconstruct and disperse it globally, turning a single‑host behemoth into a series of interconnected, locally hosted celebrations of the sport.

Tucker Carlson, the former Fox News host, is set to launch his own publishing imprint, Tucker Carlson Books, in partnership with US-based publisher Skyhorse. The imprint aims to provide a platform for books that might otherwise be censored or shut down.Among the initial titles to be published are Russell Brand's How to Become a Christian in Seven Days, described as a "testimony and guide to a timeless, yet zeitgeist-capturing, grounded, yet psychedelic encounter with Christ." Brand is currently facing charges of rape, sexual assault, and indecent assault in the UK, to which he has pleaded not guilty.Another title set to be published is Milo Yiannopoulos's Ex Gay. Yiannopoulos, a controversial "alt-right" commentator, has previously been shunned by publishers due to his contentious views. His 2017 memoir, Dangerous, was canceled by Simon & Schuster after footage surfaced in which he made comments that appeared to condone sex between adult men and underage boys.Carlson, a former Trump supporter and promoter of right-wing conspiracy theories, was reportedly fired from Fox News in 2023. He soon launched his own media company, Tucker Carlson Network, and the imprint is being launched in partnership with this network.Skyhorse publisher Tony Lyons stated that the imprint will give "a platform to things that would, in many cases, be shut down, be censored, and be covered over by propaganda." Carlson emphasized that Lyons is "just looking for books that nobody else will publish."Skyhorse, which was launched in 2006, claims to be one of the fastest-growing independent book publishers in the US. Its previous publications include Woody Allen's memoir Apropos of Nothing and US Secretary of Health and anti-vaccine activist Robert F Kennedy Jr's The Real Anthony Fauci.

On a recent weekday evening, a special bus tour whisked art lovers through over twelve galleries and museums that stayed open until midnight, offering a late‑night glimpse of the Abidjan Art Week programme.The after‑hours event, dubbed the Night of the Galleries, was first trialled in January 2024 alongside the Africa Cup of Nations – a tournament that Côte d’Ivoire both hosted and won – and has become a staple of the festival’s third edition, which ran from Tuesday to Sunday.Since its inception, the week has broadened its footprint, moving beyond the city centre to include venues such as the La Rotonde des Arts contemporary‑arts hub in the Plateau district and the Adama Toungara Museum of Contemporary Cultures (MuCAT) in the working‑class neighbourhood of Abobo.Local collectors are emerging in force. MuCAT has hosted the Africa Foto Fair each year since 2022, and the Marché des Arts du Spectacle d’Abidjan – the city’s answer to the Dakar Biennale – is set to launch its 14th edition later this month.A graffiti festival launched two years ago has transformed the perception of street art, with vibrant murals now adorning the façade of the La Pyramide building and several upscale hotels in Plateau.Organisers stress that the festival’s growth should be independent of external validation. This year’s roster featured artists from Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Mali, and the number of participating galleries more than doubled compared with previous editions.Founder Yacouba Konaté, who also directs La Rotonde des Arts, highlighted the festival’s commitment to accessibility, arguing that art should not be seen as an elite pastime.The opening tribute honoured Simone Guirandou‑N’Diaye, a pioneering Ivorian art historian whose legacy lives on through Galerie LouiSimone Guirandou, now run with her daughter Gazelle.Among the week’s highlights, MuCAT presented Murmures d’Archives, a quieter, archival‑focused exhibition that concluded with an artists’ workshop and a DJ set.In the upscale Cocody district, New York‑based artist Ouattara Watts staged a solo show at Galerie Cécile Fakhoury, drawing the Ivorian diaspora into dialogue with the local scene. Watts explained that his work aims to transcend borders, describing it as “a vision that goes beyond any map – it is the cosmos that I paint.”

While the two‑week pause in the US‑Israel campaign against Iran remains uncertain, one constant is clear: Donald Trump lacks a concrete plan, but Benjamin Netanyahu does. The war’s stated aim – to cripple Iran’s state capacity – is only a stepping stone toward a larger vision of a Greater Israel. For Israel’s right‑wing, the phrase often evokes a purely territorial ambition: enlarging the land Israel claims. History shows this expansionist drive has repeatedly displaced Palestinians, a process that has accelerated dramatically in recent years. Since the war began, Israel has flattened Gaza, killing tens of thousands and reducing the civilian‑inhabitable area to roughly 12 % of its pre‑war size. In the West Bank, a wave of settlement expansion and property destruction rivals the scale of the 1967 conflict. Beyond the occupied territories, Israel has seized parts of Syria and is forging a de‑facto occupation zone in southern Lebanon, with ministers from Religious Zionism, Jewish Power and Likud openly demanding Israeli sovereignty there. Finance minister Bezalel Smotrich even called for an expansion “to Damascus,” and Netanyahu has publicly expressed a deep personal connection to this territorial vision. However, Greater Israel is as much a geopolitical and strategic construct as a land‑grab. Netanyahu’s ambition extends beyond occupying borders; he seeks a regional dominion built on new alliances and hard‑power dependencies. After the October 7 attacks and the ensuing Gaza devastation, Israel’s prospects for Arab‑state normalization stalled. Faced with a choice between a conciliatory approach and a zero‑sum rejection of a Palestinian future, Netanyahu chose the latter, aiming to eliminate Iran as a regional counterweight – a move that inevitably required massive US military involvement. Former Israeli security analysts note that, from the perspective of Sunni Gulf states, a weakened Iran would elevate Israel to the role of “dominant regional power.” Achieving this, according to the article, also means softening the Gulf Cooperation Council (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, UAE) and making them dependent on Israel for security and energy routes. The spill‑over of Iranian drone and missile attacks on GCC infrastructure is portrayed not as an accident but as a calculated element of Israel’s strategy. When the US‑Israel coalition struck Iranian energy sites, Iran retaliated against the Gulf, disrupting global oil flows through the Strait of Hormuz. Netanyahu seized the moment to propose “alternative routes” – oil and gas pipelines that would bypass Hormuz and Bab‑al‑Mandab, ending at Israeli Mediterranean ports. In a meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Netanyahu outlined a “hexagon of alliances” linking India, Arab nations, African states, Greece, Cyprus and other Asian partners, positioning Israel as the central hub. Recent IDF strategy papers echo this, suggesting Israel could achieve “operational control” far beyond its borders without permanent occupation, likening the Middle East to a “jungle” where Israel would become the “queen.” Netanyahu now describes Israel not merely as a “regional superpower” but, in some contexts, as a “global superpower.” He promises the hexagonal alliance will confront a “radical Shia axis” and an “emerging radical Sunni axis,” with Turkey singled out as the next strategic threat. Dismissal of the Greater Israel rhetoric as wartime hyperbole would be misleading. The article warns that a permanent war‑oriented mindset permeates Israel’s political elite, security establishment and media, posing a risk of overreach and regional blowback. Containing this expansive vision may become one of the most pressing post‑war challenges for the Middle East.