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In Zimbabwe, a proposed constitutional amendment has sparked widespread debate and concern among citizens. The amendment, known as CAB3, aims to extend President Emmerson Mnangagwa's term from 2028 to 2030, changing presidential and legislative terms from five to seven years.Critics argue that this move will consolidate power in the hands of Mnangagwa's ruling ZANU-PF party, making it increasingly difficult for opposition leaders to assume power. Currently, the president is elected through a popular vote, but the proposed changes would allow parliament to elect the president, potentially paving the way for a dynastic succession.Public hearings on the bill have been marred by chaos and allegations of bias, with many citizens expressing concerns about the rushed and limited consultation process. Opponents of the bill, including former finance minister Tendai Biti and opposition leaders, have been arrested and intimidated.Supporters of the bill, however, argue that it will enhance political stability and allow Mnangagwa to complete his development projects. But critics counter that term limits are essential to preventing authoritarianism and ensuring peaceful transfers of power.As the bill moves forward, Zimbabweans are worried about the future of their democracy and the potential for further repression. The country's economy is in shambles, and many believe that Mnangagwa's extended term will only exacerbate the situation.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

It's been 12 months since Donald Trump's 'liberation day' on April 2, 2025, when the US president introduced tariffs on nearly every country the US did business with. The move sent shockwaves through the global economy, causing chaos in Washington and beyond. Experts say that if Trump had spent the last 14 months on the golf course instead of in the White House, the US economy would be in a better place. The wholesale slashing of government jobs and defunding of US aid agencies had already signaled that Trump was in a hurry to upset institutions he considered profligate or useless. Investors quickly understood that chaos was an essential tool in Trump's armoury. Almost as soon as he was inaugurated, there was a steady decline in the value of the dollar against other currencies. Investors sold assets denominated in dollars and bought assets elsewhere: Europe, Asia, South America. Dario Perkins, the head of global research at the consultancy TS Lombard, said: 'If you think that discouraging investors from buying assets in the US is a victory, then you don’t believe in a growing economy.' He added that Trump's policies had led to a decline in US manufacturing jobs and a growing trade deficit. The data supports Perkins' claims. US companies stopped hiring almost as soon as liberation day was announced. Significant revisions in February to data covering 2025 pushed payroll employment down by 403,000 jobs, resulting in the addition of just 181,000 jobs last year. This small boost is set against the 163 million people who are employed in the US. Russ Mould, the investment director of the British stockbroker AJ Bell, said: 'America is still home to the world’s largest economy and its reserve currency, as well as the globe’s largest equity and bond markets, but investors continue to reassess their exposure one year on from liberation day.' The next few months of steadily increasing confidence levels followed probably the calmest period in the second Trump presidency. But sentiment began to fall again in the autumn as the White House battled with Congress over the federal budget deficit and much of the public sector was shut down. A poll by the University of Michigan showed consumer confidence at a near record low at the end of 2025. A six-month moving average produced by the Conference Board showed every generation, from baby boomers to gen Xers, had lost confidence in the economy over the past year. Trump’s liberation day executive order stated: 'The decline of US manufacturing capacity threatens the US economy in other ways, including through the loss of manufacturing jobs.' However, the US manufacturing sector shed 100,000 jobs between January 2025 and March 2026. The ratio of manufacturing workers to total nonfarm employment fell to the lowest point since 1939. Bryan Riley, the director of the National Taxpayers Union Foundation’s free trade initiative, said: 'One year after liberation day, the evidence is in. Tariffs failed even by the Trump administration’s own terms. They did not shrink the trade deficit, did not revitalise manufacturing and did not help farmers. It would be a mistake to replace one set of failed tariffs with another.' Some major US companies have redirected their investments to Europe, but China has proved to be one of the main beneficiaries. In the year to February 2026, China’s industrial profits increased by 15.2%. It's a boom that Beijing will struggle to repeat should Chinese companies face fuel and energy shortages and price hikes. But the decline of two major powers can only be to China’s gain.

US President Donald Trump has claimed responsibility for the destruction of Iran's largest bridge, a 136-meter-high suspension bridge connecting Tehran and Karaj. The bridge, valued at $400 million, was struck twice, resulting in eight fatalities and 95 injuries, according to Iranian state media.Trump shared footage of the bridge's collapse on his Truth Social website, boasting that it would 'never be used again.' He also issued a stark warning, stating that there would be 'much more to follow' if a settlement is not reached with Iran.The attack on the bridge is part of a series of confirmed strikes in Iran this week. A day earlier, Trump had threatened to destroy Iran's power plants, potentially leaving millions without electricity. 'We are going to hit each and every one of their electric generating plants very hard and probably simultaneously,' he said during a primetime speech.The conflict between the US and Iran has resulted in significant damage and human suffering. Iran has suffered over 15,000 bombing raids since the start of the war, with at least 1,900 people killed and 20,000 injured, according to the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies. Oil prices have surged by 7% to $108 per barrel amid concerns of a wider conflict.UN Secretary General António Guterres has warned that the world is 'on the edge of a wider war' with catastrophic global implications, calling for an immediate end to the fighting.

Fire Island, a picturesque barrier island off the coast of Long Island, has long been a haven for LGBTQ+ individuals and a hub for artistic expression. The island's legacy as a queer mecca is deeply intertwined with its history of artistic innovation, which is now being celebrated in a new book titled 'Fire Island Art: 100 Years'.The book, edited by John Dempsey, president of the Fire Island Pines Historical Society, delves into the island's artistic heritage, showcasing the works of pioneers like Paul Cadmus, Jared French, and Margaret French, who formed the artistic collaboration PaJaMa. Their paintings and photographs captured the unconventional intimacies and beauty of the island, setting the stage for future generations of artists.Over the years, Fire Island has attracted a diverse array of talented artists, including Peter Hujar, Paul Thek, and Robert Mapplethorpe. These artists found inspiration in the island's serene landscapes, beaches, and vibrant queer community. Mapplethorpe, in particular, immortalized the beauty he found on the island, contributing to the island's reputation as a haven for creative expression.The book also highlights the contributions of women artists, who faced challenges in gaining acceptance on the island. Ksenia M Soboleva's chapter sheds light on the experiences of women artists, who began to make their mark in the late 1980s. This period saw an increase in lesbian presence in Cherry Grove, which reached unprecedented heights.Today, Fire Island continues to nurture artistic talent through initiatives like the Fire Island Artist Residency in Cherry Grove and its Pines sibling Boffo. These programs have launched the careers of notable artists such as Salmon Toor, Raúl de Nieves, Cassils, and Leilah Babirye. However, the legacy of Fire Island's artistic community is threatened by climate change and the rising right, which seeks to erase queer and trans people from public life.Dempsey emphasizes the importance of preserving Fire Island as a sanctuary for marginalized communities. 'Fire Island Art: 100 Years' serves as a testament to the island's enduring legacy as a haven for artistic expression and queer culture.

The United States has been proposing unusual bilateral health agreements to developing countries, mostly in Africa, in exchange for access to sensitive health data and critical minerals. These deals have sparked concerns of exploitation and have been met with resistance from several countries.In November, the US approached Zimbabwean authorities with a proposal that would have provided over $300m in funding in return for sensitive health data. However, Harare felt that the negotiations were 'lopsided' and promptly pulled out.Zambia also pushed back against a similar proposal, citing 'problematic' clauses that sought access to the country's minerals, including copper, cobalt, and lithium. The US had offered $1bn in funding over five years, but Lusaka requested a review of the proposal.Several African countries, including Nigeria and Kenya, have signed the health pacts, but the terms agreed remain unclear.Data or mineral demands in return for health aid are unprecedented in the history of US-Africa relations. Policy experts argue that tying crucial funding to sensitive national assets could have negative consequences for African nations and the US itself.'Supporting global health has clear benefits to the United States in terms of prevention of pandemics that can affect Americans too,' said Sarang Shidore, Africa director at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft. 'Linking such aid to payoffs in the extraction of critical minerals smacks of exploitative practices.'African nations have long relied on US funding to foot many of their health bills. In 2024, African countries received $5.4bn in US assistance, largely spent on humanitarian, health, and disaster needs.However, the US has argued that aid cuts suit its America First agenda, which prioritizes national interests. The stance has been met with criticism, with some economists arguing that aid is often ineffective and causes overreliance.Washington is now focused on government-to-government deals, which have typically required governments to take on an increasing share of their own health budgets in the next four to five years.Some analysts see this as a positive move to reduce overdependence on foreign funding and force governments to prioritize health spending in their budgets. However, the clauses that Washington is demanding to leverage its aid for data, rare earth elements, and other minerals have caused widespread outrage in some countries.In the case of Zambia, the US reportedly asked for access to the country's critical minerals in return for $1bn over five years. The US also asked for a one-way data-sharing agreement for 10 years.If Lusaka fails to ink a deal, US aid funding to the country will be discontinued, which could mean losing the remnants of funding Zambia still receives from the PEPFAR programme.

In the northeastern Indian state of Assam, the redrawing of electoral constituency boundaries has sparked concerns about the erosion of Muslim representation in the state's legislative assembly. The move, which was implemented in 2023, has been criticized as an example of 'gerrymandering' – the manipulation of electoral boundaries to favor a dominant group or party.The changes have resulted in Muslims forming the majority in about 20 of the state's 126 constituencies, down from around 35 previously. This shift is seen as a significant blow to the political representation of Assam's 11 million Muslims, who make up more than 34% of the state's population.Critics argue that the BJP's Hindu majoritarian policies are being implemented in Assam, which could serve as a template for the rest of India. The party has been accused of using techniques such as 'cracking,' 'packing,' and 'stacking' to weaken the electoral influence of Muslims.The delimitation exercise has been defended by the BJP as a means of protecting the political rights of 'indigenous people,' a reference to Assamese-speaking individuals. However, opponents claim that the move is a thinly veiled attempt to reduce the political power of Bengali-speaking Muslims in the state.For many Muslims in Assam, the changes have left them feeling politically emasculated. As Islam Uddin, a retired teacher from Katigorah, put it, 'We have been politically emasculated.' Another Muslim voter, Nabab Mezbahul Alam, described the situation as being like having 'hands, feet, and head to move and see, but [being] muted.'

Alisha Joyce stepped back onto the rugby field in March, just 123 days after delivering her son, and a week later secured a place in Wales’ squad for the upcoming Women’s Six Nations. The 28‑year‑old described the selection as a surprise, but welcomed the chance to inspire the next generation of players.Joyce is the first Welsh international to tap into the new performance maternity programme, a policy designed to support athletes through pregnancy and return to elite competition. She shares her newborn, Ralphie, with her wife and teammate Jasmine Joyce, and has logged only 30 minutes of senior rugby since her comeback, coming off the bench for Brython Thunder.Wales head coach Sean Lynn delivered the call‑up unexpectedly. Joyce said she hopes to contribute her experience to a squad that includes nine uncapped players, acknowledging her new role as one of the senior members and a mentor for younger teammates.Having missed last year’s Six Nations and World Cup due to pregnancy, Joyce now brings her son to the training camp, describing the first four‑and‑a‑half months of parenthood as “incredible” and a source of motivation.Sleep deprivation posed a major challenge, especially given the importance of recovery in elite sport. Joyce noted that after the initial three months of erratic nights, Ralphie’s routine has settled, allowing her to focus more on training and performance.She cited teammate Abbie Ward—the first England player to have a baby while under a professional contract—as a key influence in deciding to continue her career after motherhood. Joyce reflected on the broader dilemma many athletes face: balancing the desire for a family with the timing of major tournaments and potential Lions selection.Both Joyce and Jasmine underwent IVF, a process that required careful planning and preparation. Joyce called the decision to pursue parenthood “one of the best” they’ve made, emphasizing how quickly life can change when a child is involved.Looking ahead, Joyce aims to earn playing time in the Six Nations, which kicks off against Scotland on 11 April, and has set her sights on the inaugural women’s British & Irish Lions tour in 2027. She hopes her journey shows young girls that they can excel in sport while being mothers, and she remains determined to return to top form.

The UK's declining birthrate has been a growing concern in recent years, with long-term fiscal pressures expected to arise from supporting an ageing population. A new report by the Resolution Foundation thinktank, titled 'Bye Bye Baby', suggests that politicians should prioritize tackling housing affordability to encourage young people to have more children.The report highlights a significant shift in the proportion of women who are not yet mothers by age 30, rising from 48% for those born in the late 1980s to 58% for those born in the early 1990s. This trend is most pronounced among non-graduate women aged 25-29, with more than half (54%) having no children by 2023, up from one in three in 2011.The analysis attributes this shift to falling partnership rates and a major shift away from home ownership towards costly private renting and living with parents, making it harder for young people to start a family. The share of non-graduates in their late 20s in private rented accommodation has doubled to 33% in 2023-24, while home ownership has halved over the same period.The thinktank's research suggests that financial constraints play a significant role in young people's decisions to have children. Among 32-year-olds who are not yet parents, twice the proportion of those in the lowest quarter of earners said they intended to remain permanently childless, compared with those in the top quarter of earners.Politicians have proposed various policies to encourage young people to have children, including expanding free childcare and introducing married tax allowances. However, the Resolution Foundation's research suggests that focusing on housing struggles may be a more successful approach.“Deciding whether to have children is a deeply personal choice, but it’s clear that financial constraints are at play too,” said Charlie McCurdy, senior economist at the thinktank. “Policymakers should look to address the financial barriers that are hindering young people’s ability to start a family – such as increasing housing affordability and opportunities to get on the housing ladder – to make parenthood more achievable for those who want it.”