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Netflix's vast library of content often includes films that were initially intended for theatrical release but end up being off-loaded to the streaming platform. The latest example is 'Thrash', a shark thriller that was previously known as 'Beneath the Storm' and 'Shiver'. Despite its promising premise, the film fails to deliver, with critics calling it a messily made, choppily edited and entirely misfiring cavalcade of bad decisions and dodgy accents.The film, directed by Norwegian director Tommy Wirkola, tells the story of a hurricane that destroys a town while also thrusting a pack of bull sharks into the streets and homes of those unlucky enough to still be there. However, the film's distracting sense of inauthenticity and lack of suspense make it a disappointing watch. The cast, including Bridgerton's Phoebe Dynevor and Djimon Hounsou, struggle to elevate the poorly written characters and lackluster dialogue.'Thrash' is now available on Netflix, but it's unlikely to be a hit with viewers. The film's cheap production values and lack of originality make it feel like a low-budget B-movie, rather than a film that was once intended for theatrical release. With Netflix spending around $18bn on content last year, it's surprising that they would accept a film of such poor quality.

Peru is on the cusp of electing its 10th president in as many years, with a record-breaking field of 35 candidates competing for the top spot. The election, set to take place on April 12, comes as the country grapples with persistent political instability and growing concerns about crime and corruption.The presidential race has been marked by a fragmented electorate, with voters divided among dozens of candidates. Keiko Fujimori, daughter of former right-wing leader Alberto Fujimori, has emerged as a frontrunner, but her approval ratings remain relatively low at around 15 percent.The election also features a bicameral legislature, which was reinstated after a decades-long hiatus. Voters will select candidates to form a Senate for the first time since 1992.Crime and corruption are top-of-mind issues for voters, with 68 percent of Peruvians ranking insecurity as a top concern, followed by corruption at 67 percent. The country's political crisis has also contributed to the uncertainty surrounding the election.The leading candidates include Keiko Fujimori, Carlos Alvarez, Rafael Lopez Aliaga, and Roberto Sanchez Palomino. If no single candidate captures more than 50 percent of the vote, a second round of voting will be held on June 7.

During Donald Trump’s January 2025 inauguration, Giorgia Meloni was the only European leader invited, underscoring a brief period of close personal and diplomatic ties between Italy’s right‑wing government and the new U.S. administration. A month earlier she had been photographed sharing a private conversation with Trump at the Élysée Palace while President Emmanuel Macron celebrated the reopening of Notre‑Dame. From the outset of Trump’s second term, the Italian premier was hailed by the U.S. president as a “real live wire” and the European ally who could help “straighten out the world.” Meloni embraced the role, describing Trump as a “brilliant man” and promising to "make the West great again" together. That camaraderie has now eroded. In the wake of the US‑Israeli military action against Iran, Meloni told reporters during a Gulf‑region visit that "when we don’t agree, we must say it", explicitly rejecting the war. Her stance was reinforced a week earlier when Italy denied U.S. bombers permission to refuel at a southern base. Political analysts note that Meloni’s shift marks a decisive break from Trump’s agenda. Roberto D’Alimonte, a political‑science professor at Luiss University, warned that her earlier attempt to act as a bridge between Trump and European allies has become a “liability” she now seeks to repair. Public opinion reflects the change. Recent polls show a solid majority of Italians oppose the Iran war, and support for Trump in Italy has plunged from 35 % to just 19 %. The backlash also manifested in a recent referendum on judicial reform, where 61 % of voters aged 18‑34 rejected Meloni’s proposal—a defeat analysts link more to dissatisfaction with her foreign‑policy alignment than to the reform itself. Beyond politics, the conflict threatens Italy’s economy. As the EU’s second‑largest natural‑gas consumer—accounting for roughly 40 % of its energy mix—Italy is feeling the impact of soaring energy prices caused by the near‑total shutdown of traffic through the Strait of Hormuz. The Bank of Italy now projects only a 0.5 % growth rate for 2026‑27, down from earlier forecasts, while the national statistics office reported that Italy’s fiscal deficit has breached the EU’s 3 % ceiling, limiting fiscal flexibility ahead of next year’s elections. Despite these pressures, Meloni has not completely abandoned the United States. In March she declined Trump’s request to dispatch Italian warships to the Strait of Hormuz, aligning with other European nations, yet she stopped short of condemning the US‑led operation outright. Experts argue that Meloni’s approach is deliberately cautious. “She is pragmatic and politically skilled,” D’Alimonte said. “She will continue to balance criticism of Trump’s aggressive foreign policy with the need to preserve strategic ties, moving step‑by‑step toward a stronger European alignment without burning bridges.”

The United States government has reaffirmed its position that it plans to deport Salvadoran immigrant Kilmar Abrego Garcia to Liberia, despite arguments that doing so would be vindictive.On Tuesday, lawyers for the administration of President Donald Trump told US federal judge Paula Xinis that it remains committed to Liberia as a destination.Abrego Garcia, however, has said that, if he must be deported, he would prefer to be sent to Costa Rica, and the government there has indicated it would accept him.But the Trump administration’s insistence on sending Abrego Garcia to Africa has raised questions about its motive.Critics have accused the US government of seeking retribution against Abrego Garcia, whose case has spurred scrutiny over the legality of Trump’s mass deportation campaign.The case began with a high-profile mistake. In March 2025, less than three months into Trump’s second term, Abrego Garcia was wrongfully deported to his native El Salvador, in violation of a 2019 protection order that found he could face gang violence if returned to the country.The Trump administration, at the time, described Abrego Garcia’s removal as an “administrative error”.Still, it initially refused to seek his return, arguing that Abrego Garcia was a gang member and that, once abroad, he was subject to El Salvador’s leadership. Abrego Garcia, though, had no criminal record at the time of his deportation.Abrego Garcia was imprisoned, first at El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Centre (CECOT) and later in a second prison in Santa Ana, El Salvador.Meanwhile, lawyers in the US had turned to US courts to reverse his deportation.In early April 2025, Judge Xinis ruled that the US government had to “facilitate” Abrego Garcia’s return to the country, and later that month, the US Supreme Court upheld her ruling in a unanimous decision.But it was only in June 2025 that Abrego Garcia was brought back to the US. In announcing Abrego Garcia’s return, the Trump administration revealed it would be filing criminal charges against him for human smuggling.He pleaded not guilty, but was forced to remain in jail. The Trump administration had deemed him a flight risk, and his own lawyers feared that stepping out of his jail cell would land him in immigration detention instead.When a court ordered his release in August, this is exactly what happened: Immigration agents took him back into custody within days.Authorities at the time said they would deport him to Uganda. Later, they changed the proposed destination to Liberia.Abrego Garcia was ultimately freed from immigration detention in December, but he continues to fight both his criminal charges and his deportation proceedings.At Tuesday’s hearing, Judge Xinis questioned why the Trump administration would not consider deporting Abrego Garcia to Costa Rica instead of Liberia.She pointed out that the country had recently inked an agreement to accept 25 removals from the US per week.In response, Ernesto Molina, the director of the Justice Department’s Office of Immigration Litigation, suggested that Abrego Garcia could “remove himself” to Costa Rica.But Xinis called the proposal a “fantasy” and noted that he cannot leave as long as the Justice Department is prosecuting him on criminal charges. He is legally required to attend his criminal hearings.After the tense exchange, Xinis set another hearing on the matter for April 28.

The documentary series 'Trust Me: The False Prophet' has shed light on the sinister activities of a polygamous Mormon cult led by Samuel Bateman, who is currently serving a 50-year sentence for luring minors into criminal sex acts.Director Rachel Dretzin, a former investigative journalist for Frontline, worked on the series, which follows a pair of documentary filmmakers, Christine Marie and Tolga Katas, who embedded themselves in Utah's Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (FLDS) community. They earned the trust of the cult members and were invited into Bateman's home, where he presided over 20 'wives', many of them underage.The filmmakers' incriminating footage and witness testimony were essential to the FBI's case against Bateman and other men charged with crimes. The series transcends the true crime genre's typical sensationalism, presenting its revelations thoughtfully and honestly.Dretzin notes that documentary filmmaking can be more effective than the legal system in effecting change, particularly in cases like this where the community is fiercely insular. The series raises questions about the ethics of documentary filmmaking and the blurred lines between observer and participant.The story also highlights the manipulation and indoctrination of young women within the cult, including Naomi, a young woman who becomes a pivotal witness. Her aunt Carole, who defected from the FLDS, shares her insights on how the cult grooms girls for exploitation.Dretzin believes that the story has echoes in our ordinary lives and political landscape, particularly in the era of 'fake news' and echo chambers. The series serves as a reminder of the dangers of closed systems and the importance of critical thinking.

Stephen Fry opened his appearance on ITV’s The Assembly with a startling question: “You tried to kill yourself a couple of times. Are you happy to be alive now?” The boldness set the tone for a conversation that veered far from the usual celebrity‑friendly script.The programme distinguishes itself by placing a well‑known guest in front of a panel of young adults with neurodivergence or learning disabilities. Free from the conventional safeguards of mainstream talk shows, the panel asks questions that are simultaneously unconventional and deeply human, prompting guests to respond without the usual rehearsed veneer.For Fry, the format proved liberating. Known for translating complex ideas into accessible language, he used the platform to discuss suicidal ideation, likening the experience to the lingering memory of a broken limb—painful yet now distant. This candidness allowed him to reaffirm why he remains a cultural touchstone.One of the most memorable moments came when a participant asked, “I read that you are bipolar. One of my family has that. How can I help them?” Fry responded with a vivid analogy, describing bipolar disorder as a “rainstorm raging inside you—eventually the sun returns, and it’s the weather, not the person, that changes.” This explanation resonated as both compassionate and educational.The interview oscillated between gravitas and levity. Fry fielded whimsical queries such as “Can you help me meet Céline Dion?” and “How much have you spent on cocaine?” alongside the probing “Are you a top or a bottom?” The juxtaposition amplified the emotional weight of the serious topics.At one point, a young panelist named Luca chose not to ask a question, instead performing William Wordsworth’s poem “The World Is Too Much With Us” with theatrical flair—a rare blend of poetry and performance that underscored the show’s experimental spirit.Another highlight involved Jacob, a panel member who brandished a list of Fry’s past advertising gigs—Heineken, Twinings, Honda, and more—before delivering the punchline, “Is there anything you wouldn’t do for money?” The extended joke built a collective laugh that softened the subsequent, more probing inquiries.Critics have likened the show’s tone to a hybrid of Radio 4’s In the Psychiatrist’s Chair and the cheeky, irreverent style of classic British comedy interviews such as those with Dame Edna Everage or Mrs Merton, creating a unique space where vulnerability and humor coexist.The episode concluded with Nina Simone’s “I Wish I Knew How It Would Feel to Be Free” playing as Fry reflected on his experiences with antisemitism and bipolar disorder. Moved by the music, he rose and danced, offering a visual testament to the therapeutic power of the format.The Assembly aired on ITV1 and is now available for streaming on ITVX.

Cardiff Airport has emerged victorious in a legal challenge brought by Bristol Airport over a £205m subsidy package from the Welsh government. The Competition Appeal Tribunal's unanimous decision on Tuesday dismissed Bristol Airport's case, which argued that the subsidy distorted the market and breached the Subsidy Control Act.The Welsh government had announced the subsidy in April last year, with approximately half earmarked for developing new routes and the rest for maintenance facilities, hangars, and cargo capacity. Bristol Airport had claimed that the subsidy was unprecedented in the UK aviation industry and a breach of competition rules.The £205m subsidy is part of a decade-long plan to support Cardiff Airport, which has struggled to turn a profit since its nationalization in 2013. Despite £200m in bailouts, passenger numbers at Cardiff Airport have not recovered from the Covid pandemic, with 963,000 customers passing through in 2025, compared to a peak of 2 million in 2007.Bristol Airport expressed disappointment with the tribunal's decision, stating that it would study the ruling in detail before deciding on next steps. The company argued that the subsidy placed a burden on taxpayers and that the flexibility given by the Subsidy Control Act introduced after Brexit allowed the subsidy to proceed.The Welsh government welcomed the decision, hoping that both Cardiff and Bristol airports would continue to thrive and grow. The feud between the airports has been ongoing since 2013, when the Welsh government purchased Cardiff Airport for £52m, well above market value.

Harlequins have confirmed the acquisition of England full‑back George Furbank, securing the 29‑year‑old on a lucrative contract as they aim to revitalise a squad that finished second‑bottom of the ten‑team Premiership.Furbank, a long‑time stalwart of league‑leading Northampton Saints, arrives after two injury‑hit seasons but remains a 14‑cap England international and a strong contender for the World Cup roster. He described the move as a chance to step out of his comfort zone and “take my game to a new level” under a fresh coaching staff.Harlequins head coach Jason Gilmore praised the signing, calling Furbank “someone we’ve admired for a long time.” The club hopes his experience will deliver an immediate uplift to a side battling relegation threats.Saints’ director of rugby Phil Dowson acknowledged the financial reality that forced the departure: “We wanted to keep George, but the broader context – especially our limited budget – meant we couldn’t match the offer. There was no animosity, just hard decisions.” He likened the situation to Sir Alex Ferguson’s strategy of reshaping squads when necessary.The transfer adds to a growing exodus from Northampton, which has already seen the likes of David Ribbans, Lewis Ludlam, Courtney Lawes and Teimana Harrison depart in recent years. Saints are also contending with the challenge of retaining other England internationals as emerging talents such as Henry Pollock seek pay rises.Meanwhile, Saints are set to field fit‑again England half‑backs Fin Smith and Alex Mitchell for their Champions Cup semi‑final against Bath, while fly‑half Jamie Benson has opted to join Ulster next season.

The recent US-Iran ceasefire agreement has not led to a significant change in the situation for ships trying to pass through the Strait of Hormuz. According to shipping analysts, there will be no 'mass exodus' of ships through the strait, despite provisions for a temporary reopening of the crucial maritime channel.The ceasefire agreement 'doesn't change the situation in the sense that Iran is still in control,' said Richard Meade, the editor-in-chief at maritime data provider Lloyd's List Intelligence. 'It still requires ships to essentially seek permission, and that's the key. That means that nothing has changed – no permission, no transit.'An estimated 2,000 ships and 20,000 seafarers have been trapped in the Persian Gulf since the outbreak of war at the end of February, according to the UN, unable to pass through the strait to continue their journeys. The trapped vessels include oil and gas tankers, bulk carriers, and cargo ships as well as six tourist cruise liners.Under Iran's 10-point ceasefire plan, the country's foreign minister said safe passage through the strait would be allowed under Iranian military management. However, analysts believe that Iran will continue to control the flow of traffic, and few expect traffic to return to normal daily averages during the two-week ceasefire.The head of the UN shipping agency, the International Maritime Organization (IMO), welcomed the ceasefire and called for a safe evacuation of seafarers from the Gulf. Arsenio Dominguez, the secretary-general of the IMO, said: 'I am already working with the relevant parties to implement an appropriate mechanism to ensure the safe transit of ships through the strait of Hormuz. The priority now is to ensure an evacuation that guarantees the safety of navigation.'