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The recent conflict between Israel and Iran has highlighted the consequences of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's promise of an 'easy' war. When Netanyahu met with US President Donald Trump at Mar-a-Lago in December, he came with an appeal and a subtle inducement.Netanyahu had suggested a final benefit to Trump: defeating Iran would allow Israel to wean itself off its massive reliance on US military aid. However, the reality of the conflict has been far from easy, with Iran's resilient regime and the ongoing Middle East war showing no signs of abating.The conflict has also had significant implications for global diplomacy, with Emmanuel Macron reflecting a widespread view that US and Israeli strikes on Iran would not provide a durable solution to Tehran's nuclear program. The war has undermined Nato and potentially emboldened China, Russia, and North Korea.The conflict has also led to a decline in support for Israel globally, with polls showing a decline in support for Israel across the political spectrum in the US, particularly among Democrats and young voters. A Gallup survey released recently showed that Americans are more sympathetic to Palestinians than Israelis for the first time since Gallup began measuring that question in 2001.

Progressive candidate Abdul El‑Sayed’s alliance with left‑wing Twitch streamer Hasan Piker has ignited a sharp rift within Michigan’s tightly contested three‑way Senate race, pitting establishment favorite Mallory McMorrow against a pro‑Israel coalition supporting Rep. Haley Stevens. McMorrow, backed by the Democratic establishment, the Anti‑Defamation League, the Trump administration, and prominent pro‑Israel figures, has condemned Piker as antisemitic and warned that his involvement could alienate voters still reeling from the recent Temple Israel synagogue attack. In contrast, El‑Sayed and Piker announced a joint rally last week, prompting McMorrow’s camp to label the partnership a political liability. Seven Arab American leaders interviewed by the Guardian argue that the attacks on El‑Sayed and Piker are both strategic missteps and moral blunders that repeat the mistakes that cost the Democrats in Michigan in 2024. Michigan houses the nation’s highest per‑capita Arab American population, anchored by a large Lebanese diaspora. The ongoing Israeli assault on southern Lebanon—displacing over 1 million civilians and destroying villages—has hit the community hard, with many families directly affected. "Arabs get the pressure and Israel gets compassion," said James Zogby of the Democratic National Committee, underscoring the perceived double standard. Arab American leaders contend that the Democratic focus on Israel while sidelining Lebanese and Muslim concerns could erode crucial voter support. Data from the 2024 election illustrate the risk: Kamala Harris lost Michigan by roughly 80,000 votes, with some analysts estimating that her pro‑Israel stance cost her an additional 100,000 votes. A Guardian analysis found a 22,000‑vote swing away from Democrats in the three cities with the largest Arab American and Muslim populations. National polling now shows a dramatic shift among Democratic voters: support for Israel’s war in Gaza has fallen to an all‑time low of 8%, while a majority favor an arms embargo on Israel. Piker, who commands a 3‑million‑strong Twitch audience, consistently voices sympathy for Palestinians and calls for an embargo, positioning himself as a bridge to younger, progressive voters. Despite the controversy, El‑Sayed maintains that winning requires dialogue with all constituencies, even those outside the progressive bubble, noting his recent appearance on Fox News. He warned that every dollar spent on what he calls an "illegal, unjustified war in Iran" diverts resources from schools, healthcare, and infrastructure in Michigan. As the 2028 election cycle looms, Arab American leaders caution that the Democratic Party’s handling of the Israel‑Palestine issue in this swing state could have lasting repercussions, potentially reshaping the party’s fortunes in the Midwest.

Hamas's armed wing has rejected calls for disarmament, stating that discussing the issue before Israel fully implements the first phase of the US-brokered ceasefire in Gaza amounts to an attempt to continue the genocide against Palestinians.In a televised statement, Hamas spokesman Abu Obeida said that raising the issue of weapons 'in a crude manner' would not be accepted. He emphasized that the disarmament demands are an overt attempt to continue the genocide against Palestinians, something Hamas will not accept under any circumstances.The issue of Hamas relinquishing its weapons is a major obstacle in talks to implement US President Donald Trump's 20-point plan for Gaza, aimed at ending Israel's war on the besieged territory. Since the US- and Qatar-brokered ceasefire took effect in October, more than 705 Palestinians have been killed in Israeli attacks, according to the Palestinian news agency Wafa.Hamas has told mediators it will not discuss disarmament without guarantees that Israel will completely withdraw from Gaza. Abu Obeida urged mediators to pressure Israel to fulfil its commitments under the first phase of the Trump plan before any discussion of the second phase can take place.Israel's war on Gaza, which began after Hamas-led attacks on southern Israel in October 2023, has killed more than 72,000 Palestinians and injured at least 172,000 others. Abu Obeida also addressed Israel's role in the US-Israel war on Iran, condemning it for launching strikes on Iran 'in the midst of the deception of negotiations, with full collusion and conspiracy with the United States'.

Itamar Ben‑Gvir, a senior figure in Israel’s coalition government, presented his latest proposals regarding Palestinians who are currently on death row. The details, reported by Al Jazeera on 5 April 2026, signal a potential shift in Israel’s approach to the handling of capital‑punishment cases involving Palestinian detainees. The minister’s plan, though not fully disclosed, emphasizes a stricter stance that could affect legal proceedings and the broader political climate in the region. Analysts note that such measures may further complicate already fragile relations between Israel and the Palestinian territories. International observers are watching closely, as any change in policy toward prisoners on death row carries significant humanitarian and diplomatic implications.

Gaza City, Gaza – While Easter traditionally celebrates resurrection and renewal, Gaza’s dwindling Christian population spent the holiday in quiet reflection, confronting displacement, scarcity and the trauma of a conflict the United Nations has described as genocide. The enclave is home to fewer than 1,000 Christians, a community already small before the war that has suffered heavy casualties; more than 72,000 Palestinians have been killed since Israel’s offensive began on 7 October 2023. Inside the remaining churches, prayers and modest services carried profound meaning as families clung to hope for survival and peace. Yet basic necessities—electricity, water and food—remain in short supply, and even traditional Easter items such as eggs are virtually unavailable. Fouad Ayad, a bio‑energy trainer displaced from near al‑Rantisi Children’s Hospital, described searching the markets of Gaza City for eggs without success. “We decorate eggs for the children, and sometimes Muslim children visit us for colourful eggs,” he told Al Jazeera, highlighting the inter‑communal bonds that persist despite the siege. Shortages have also erased the customary communal lunch. “Meat is scarce and extremely expensive,” Ayad lamented, recalling how families once gathered to share meals, colour eggs and visit elderly neighbours of all faiths. The Church of the Holy Family, which Ayad once attended, has been struck multiple times. “Three of my relatives were killed in one attack, and another strike killed more than 20 Christians,” he recounted, illustrating the direct targeting of places of worship. Attendance at Easter services in Gaza’s sole Catholic church has dwindled as many believers have fled the Strip. Yet, as one worshipper put it, “We only performed the prayers, refusing to celebrate because of our martyrs,” affirming their resolve to remain rooted in the land despite the devastation. Israeli restrictions have prevented Christians from traveling to the Old City of East Jerusalem to attend the Holy Sepulchre for the past two years. Recent attempts by Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa to enter the site were initially blocked, only to be reversed after international outcry. Elias al‑Jelda, a 60‑year‑old Orthodox council member, recounted sheltering in the Church of the Holy Family after his home was destroyed. “I lost friends, neighbours and relatives, many killed while staying close to their homes and faith,” he said, underscoring the personal toll of the conflict. Traditional Easter treats—coloured eggs, kahk, maamoul and Eidiya gifts—are largely absent this year. “There are no eggs anywhere in the Strip,” reported 74‑year‑old Amal al‑Masri, who recalled pre‑war celebrations filled with shared meals and festive sweets. Power outages compound the hardship. “Electricity continues to be a major problem, and the soaring cost of diesel and generator oil makes it worse,” al‑Jelda warned, highlighting the broader infrastructure collapse affecting all Gazans. Despite the bleak circumstances, the remaining Christians affirm their identity and solidarity with the broader Palestinian population. “No matter what your political agenda or religion is, all of us Palestinians are targeted by the occupation,” a worshipper declared, encapsulating the collective sense of victimhood and resilience.

In a stark assessment, journalist Christopher Gunness contends that Israel's recent offensive against the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) is not an isolated incident but a central element of a larger campaign he characterizes as a genocide of the Palestinian people.Gunness emphasizes that UNRWA, which provides critical education, health, and food assistance to millions of Palestinian refugees, has become a strategic target. By undermining the agency’s operations, Israel, he argues, seeks to erode the humanitarian lifeline that sustains Palestinian communities, thereby intensifying the humanitarian crisis.The analysis links the attack on UNRWA to broader patterns of violence and displacement, suggesting that the move escalates the conflict beyond conventional warfare into actions that could meet the legal definition of genocide under international law. Such allegations carry profound implications for global diplomatic responses and potential accountability mechanisms.While the piece does not present new statistical data, it underscores the symbolic and practical significance of UNRWA’s role, urging the international community to recognize the attack as a pivotal escalation in the Israeli‑Palestinian conflict.

Disturbing footage has emerged showing an Israeli military dog attacking a Palestinian man inside a mosque. The incident has sparked widespread concern and outrage over human rights violations and the conduct of Israeli military forces.The video, obtained from Al Jazeera, provides a harrowing glimpse into the incident, which has not been officially commented on by Israeli authorities. The lack of transparency and accountability in such cases often exacerbates tensions between Israel and Palestine.Human rights organizations have repeatedly criticized the Israeli military for its treatment of Palestinian civilians, citing numerous instances of excessive force and abuse. This latest incident is likely to fuel ongoing debates about military conduct and the need for greater oversight.

Occupied East Jerusalem – While Holy Week traditionally fills the Old City’s Christian Quarter with pilgrims and worshippers, the streets are now eerily quiet and storefronts remain shuttered.Palestinian shopkeeper Boulos, a man in his mid‑30s who asked to remain anonymous, still drags himself to his modest stall a few times a week, selling religious garments behind a half‑closed door to avoid Israeli orders that mandate closure of businesses in the quarter amid the ongoing US‑Israel conflict with Iran.After six years of pandemic‑related setbacks and successive wars, his business had only begun to recover when the October Gaza ceasefire was followed by a new wave of restrictions. “Before the war with Iran, we barely made enough to survive,” he said. “Now there is no income at all.”His only customer that day was an Ethiopian Christian woman buying a kilo of prayer candles for 35 shekels (about $11.20). “What can 35 shekels do for me?” Boulos lamented, underscoring the stark economic squeeze.Unlike many West Jerusalem shops, which have been allowed to stay open because of nearby bomb shelters, the Old City lacks such protection, leaving Palestinian businesses in the Christian Quarter effectively forced to shut. The area, heavily dependent on tourism, shows the least sign of life.Brother Daoud Kassabry, principal of the College des Frères school, described the scene as “the saddest Jerusalem I have ever seen.” Classes have been suspended for over a month, and the community feels the weight of an unprecedentedly difficult period.For the first time in centuries, Israeli police barred Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, and other senior clergy from entering the Church of the Holy Sepulchre for Palm Sunday Mass. The Latin Patriarchate called the incident “unprecedented in centuries.”At a press conference, Cardinal Pizzaballa emphasized that while “all celebrations” have been cancelled for security reasons, “no one, not even the Pope, can cancel the liturgy of Easter.”Following the incident, leaders from Italy, France and the United States condemned the police action. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu later defended the measure as a safety precaution, citing the absence of bomb shelters near the holy site, despite the cardinal’s residence being only metres away.Netanyahu’s justification raises questions about the long‑standing “status‑quo” arrangement that places custodianship of Christian and Muslim holy sites under the heads of their respective religious institutions and Jordan’s Waqf. Palestinian Christians interpret the rhetoric as evidence of an increasingly hostile environment under Israeli control.Bishop Emeritus Munib Younan recounted being spat on by Jewish yeshiva students in the Old City without any legal consequences. He now prefers to attend services in Bethlehem or a small church outside Jerusalem, where he feels “no one is pointing a gun at you.”“They want to show the world that this country is only meant for them – not Christians, not Muslims,” Younan said, reflecting a sentiment shared by many locals.Netanyahu later announced that religious ceremonies at the Holy Sepulchre would be permitted during Holy Week, but only for clergy, keeping the general public out. Observers noted the inconsistency, pointing out that Muslim worshippers have been barred from the Al‑Aqsa compound since late February, including during Ramadan, with only minimal international rebuke.The cumulative restrictions have crippled the already dwindling Palestinian Christian community, which now makes up less than 2 % of the population in Israel and the occupied territories. Traditional events such as the Way of the Cross procession and Holy Fire Saturday have been cancelled, eroding communal cohesion.Father Faris Abedrabbo of the Annunciation Latin Parish linked the current hardships to the Passion narrative, urging congregants to view their suffering through the lens of “steadfastness” – an active, spiritual resistance rather than passive endurance.Economic despair is prompting a new wave of emigration. Bishop Younan reported that many young Christians ask for help obtaining visas to the United States, Canada or Australia, fearing there is “no future” in Jerusalem. Boulos, the shopkeeper, admits he has considered leaving, noting that “they try to make us lose hope and abandon this land.”Despite the bleak outlook, Boulos continues to visit his shop, saying, “I come here to prove to myself that I still have hope, even if it feels endless.”

Hebron's Ibrahimi Mosque, a significant Islamic site and Palestinian national symbol, has become a focal point of Israeli-Palestinian tensions. The mosque, located in the occupied West Bank, has been subject to increased restrictions and control by Israeli authorities. Stricter measures have been imposed on Palestinians attempting to access the mosque, including the closure of gates, checkpoints, and searches. These actions have made it difficult for Palestinians to reach the site, with some residents reporting that the journey has become significantly longer and more complicated. The Israeli government claims that these measures are necessary for security reasons, citing the presence of Israeli settlers in the area. However, Palestinians argue that these restrictions are part of a systematic effort to reduce their access to the mosque and erode their rights. The situation at the Ibrahimi Mosque is seen as a microcosm of the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Observers note that Israel's actions in Hebron may be a prelude to further annexation of the West Bank, with increased settlement activity and restrictions on Palestinian movement. Palestinian residents have faced significant challenges, including demolition orders, arrests, and settler attacks. The area surrounding the mosque has become increasingly militarized, with thousands of Israeli soldiers and settlers present. The international community has expressed concern over Israel's actions, with many viewing them as illegitimate and dangerous to the existing status quo. The situation remains a critical point of contention in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, with significant implications for the future of the region.