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Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

Cameron Picton, the bassist‑vocalist behind British art‑rock outfit Black Midi, has unveiled his first solo statement under the moniker My New Band Believe. Recorded with a cadre of improvisational musicians—including veteran drummer Steve Noble, formerly of Rip Rig + Panic—the album abandons the band’s signature wall of sound for an intimate, acoustic approach.The record opens with the gentle ballad “Still,” a track originally tucked away on Black Midi’s sprawling rock‑opera Hellfire. Here, Picton’s unadorned vocal delivery replaces Geordie Greep’s theatrical croons, setting a tone of understated sincerity that runs through the entire project.Every song is built from live‑sounding instruments: fingerpicked guitars, double bass, piano, subtle percussion and tasteful string arrangements. This stripped‑back aesthetic allows the lyrics to move away from Black Midi’s often surreal narratives toward more direct, everyday subjects. For instance, the opening track “Target Practice” retains a hint of the band’s dark humor, while “Love Story” paints a nostalgic picture of a couple cooking together, and “Opposite Teacher” reflects on the challenges of fatherhood.Even within this quieter framework, Picton injects moments of tension. The second track, “In the Blink of an Eye,” introduces dissonant chords that remind listeners that “understated” is a relative term for an artist accustomed to sonic extremes. Throughout, the songs remain episodic, with sudden key changes and tempo shifts that echo the restless spirit of Van Dyke Parks’ 1967 Song Cycle—a collaboration Picton initially pursued before budget constraints halted the partnership.Highlights such as “Heart of Darkness” weave together folk‑rock riffs, jazzy drumming and an improvised coda of feedback‑like strings, while “Actress” balances sweet melodies with dramatic pauses and volume surges, ending more as a gradual fade than a conventional finish.Compared with Black Midi’s recent releases—most notably the chaotic, genre‑bending Hellfire and Geordie Greep’s solo effort The New Sound—Picton’s debut feels more approachable without sacrificing artistic curiosity. The album’s constant motion is contained by its acoustic instrumentation, making it easier to love rather than merely admire. It resists standard song structures, defies easy categorisation, and showcases a plethora of unconventional musical ideas, all while wearing its intelligence with a lighter touch.

A British warship together with a Royal Air Force P‑8 maritime patrol aircraft monitored three Russian submarines that were trying to survey key undersea infrastructure in the North Atlantic, the defence secretary John Healey said at a Downing Street briefing.Healey explained that the operation, which lasted **over a month**, took place not within UK territorial waters but in the country's exclusive economic zone – the area extending up to 200 nautical miles from the coastline and bordering neighbouring zones.The Russian vessels comprised an Akula‑class nuclear‑powered submarine and two deep‑sea research submarines from the GUGI directorate, a unit that normally conducts peacetime surveys of underwater infrastructure but possesses the capability to damage it in conflict.According to the minister, the British forces tracked and deterred any malign activity around the submarines 24/7, deploying regular sonar buoys to demonstrate continuous monitoring. The presence of the Royal Navy ship and the P‑8 aircraft, supported by NATO allies, left the Russian crews with “no doubt that they were being watched”.As a result, the Akula submarine “retreated home” and the two GUGI subs subsequently exited the UK’s maritime zone, heading northward. The operation involved **about 500 UK personnel**.Healey stressed that there was **no evidence of damage** to any pipelines or cables, but that UK forces and allies would verify the integrity of the infrastructure. He warned President Putin that any attempt to sabotage the network would “not be tolerated and will have serious consequences”.The defence secretary framed the incident as proof that Moscow is “the primary threat to the UK and to NATO”, underscoring the need for heightened vigilance over undersea assets amid the broader security fallout from the Ukraine war and recent tensions in the Middle East.He also linked the episode to broader defence policy, stating that the successful deterrence demonstrates the UK’s ability to detect, deter and, if necessary, respond to threats against its critical maritime infrastructure, while calling for continued investment in defence capabilities.

In the war-torn city of Taiz, Yemen, a 14-year-old boy named Ibrahim was killed by a sniper while walking to school with his younger siblings. The incident has sent shockwaves through the community, with locals blaming the Houthi rebels for the tragedy.Ibrahim's mother, Umm Ibrahim, expressed her grief, asking, 'Why did they kill my child, my source of strength?' She had already lost her husband nearly a decade ago and relied heavily on Ibrahim as they struggled to survive in the economically deprived city.The Houthi rebels have been besieging Taiz for 11 years, and the city lies on the front line of the war between the Houthis and the Yemeni government. A 2025 UN report found that 66% of sniper killings in Yemen took place in Taiz, with 21 deaths, including nine children.The killing has sparked an outpouring of anger in Taiz, with a mass turnout for Ibrahim's funeral and protest vigils organized by local schools. The government-run Education Office condemned the killing, calling it a 'cowardly terrorist' act.Najib al-Kamali, head of the Alef Observatory for the Protection of Education and Children's Rights, stated, 'Targeting a child going through their educational journey is an act that goes beyond a violation to the level of a symbolic assassination of hope within a society.'

Since its inauguration in 1875, Mumbai’s Sassoon Dock has transitioned from a Gulf‑bound trading hub to the beating heart of the city’s fishing sector. Today, the once‑bustling harbour is marked by an unsettling silence.Rows of fishing boats sit idle under the morning sun, their colourful flags fluttering against the skyline. The familiar chorus of net‑unloading, diesel‑engine rumble, ice‑hauling and fish‑monger shouts has faded.Boat owner Shekhar Chogle, weather‑worn from years at sea, has been compelled to keep his vessel moored since the conflict began. Plummeting earnings, relentless labour costs and diesel prices soaring above $1.20 per litre ($4.54 per US gallon) have rendered fishing operations virtually impossible.The dock’s diesel pump now sits abandoned, draped with a wilted marigold garland. A worker returns from the petrol station empty‑handed, his wooden barrow holding six unfilled containers, underscoring the fuel shortage that has crippled cooperatives that normally supply affordable fuel, ice and equipment to fishers.This fuel crisis reverberates beyond Mumbai, affecting fishing communities throughout India and wider Asia. Fishers confront a stark choice: stay ashore and forfeit income, or brave the sea at the risk of further financial loss, jeopardising both individual families and entire coastal economies.A recently announced two‑week ceasefire between Iran, the United States and Israel offers a glimmer of hope, yet analysts warn that normalising fuel supplies will take time.For Chogle, the clock is ticking. “Our income has dropped significantly since we have not been able to take our boat out to sea,” he lamented.Despite the soaring fuel costs, a few boats still venture out. Morning markets persist, though catches are modest. Women in vibrant saris haggle over the limited fish, and a mother balancing a baby on her hip scrutinises each purchase, weighing cost against necessity.“If diesel prices don’t come down soon, I don’t know how we’ll survive,” Chogle warned, encapsulating the precarious future of Mumbai’s once‑thriving fishing trade.

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

Chinese swimming authorities have initiated an investigation into cyberbullying targeting Quan Hongchan, the 19-year-old diving champion who has won three Olympic gold medals. The General Administration of Sport's swimming management centre announced the probe on Wednesday, stating that it is working with officials in Quan's home province of Guangdong to address the issue.Quan, who won her first gold at the Tokyo 2020 Olympics at just 14 years old and added two more golds at the Paris 2024 Olympics, has faced intense scrutiny and pressure. She has spoken publicly about the toxic online commentary she has faced, particularly regarding her weight and diet.The cyberbullying has been described as 'malicious' and has included false information and abnormal fan culture. Chinese authorities have pledged to crack down on such behavior, which has been termed 'toxic fandom'. Quan's swimming club has also reported the case to police, emphasizing that athletes are a valuable national asset and that such acts of slander and insult are unacceptable.Quan's success has made her a popular figure in China, with her hometown becoming a tourist destination. However, this has also led to intense media scrutiny and pressure to conform to certain standards. The investigation aims to address these issues and ensure a safer online environment for athletes.

President Donald Trump warned on Tuesday that a U.S. attack on Iran could cause "a whole civilization to die tonight," a statement that sparked immediate backlash from climate icon Greta Thunberg. The Swedish activist, known for her outspoken stance on climate change and the Gaza crisis, described the president’s remarks as a normalization of genocide and urged the public to reject such rhetoric. In an Instagram video posted shortly before a cease‑fire was announced, Thunberg lamented the "muted" reaction to the threat, asking, "What the f*** is anyone even doing at this point?" She emphasized that the world has become accustomed to "total annihilation of entire peoples" and the "systematic destruction of the biosphere," urging viewers to demand an end to these narratives. Poll data reveal a stark generational split on the war. A Pew Research Center survey released Tuesday showed that while 67 % of Republicans aged 65+ believe the conflict will curb Iran’s nuclear ambitions, only 25 % of Republicans aged 18‑29 share that view. When asked about the war’s impact on Iranians, just 7 % of older Republican voters said they would be worse off, compared with nearly 28 % of younger voters. Among Democrats, the age gap is less pronounced but still significant: 60 % of young Democratic respondents (18‑29) think the war will harm Iranians, versus 48 % of those over 65. Similar patterns emerge in other surveys. Emerson College found that 75 % of respondents under 50 fear a new world war within four years, compared with 54 % of those over 50. A Politico poll of self‑identified “MAGA Republicans” showed that only 49 % of those under 35 believe Trump has a concrete plan for the Iran conflict, versus 70 % of older supporters. These findings echo a broader historical trend: younger Americans, many of whom grew up in the shadow of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, display a more isolationist outlook. A December 2025 Pew poll indicated that only 39 % of 18‑29‑year‑olds consider active U.S. involvement in global affairs important, compared with 73 % of seniors. The generational divide also extends to attitudes toward Israel. The same Tuesday poll reported that 84 % of young Democrats and 57 % of young Republicans hold an unfavorable view of Israel, whereas older respondents are considerably less critical. Thunberg’s criticism of Trump aligns with her longstanding activism on Middle‑East issues. Last year she joined a humanitarian flotilla bound for Gaza, only to be detained and deported by Israeli forces. Her latest condemnation underscores a growing sentiment among Gen Z that calls for accountability and an end to war‑like rhetoric. In summary, the controversy surrounding Trump’s Iran threat has amplified existing generational tensions in the United States, with younger citizens increasingly questioning the efficacy and morality of U.S. military interventions while demanding a shift away from language that normalizes mass violence.

The vastness of space has always been a profound source of inspiration and terror for humanity. The recent launch of the Artemis II space mission brought this into sharp focus, as the tiny Orion craft and its four-person crew drifted silently through the void, further and further from home. This sense of cosmic isolation is a feeling that video games have long sought to capture.In his autobiography, Apollo astronaut Michael Collins described the experience of being left alone in the command module while Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin walked on the moon: 'I am alone now, truly alone, and absolutely isolated from any known life. I am it. If a count were taken, the score would be three billion plus two over on the other side of the moon, and one plus God knows what on this side.'Games like Elite, No Man's Sky, and Outer Wilds have attempted to evoke this sense of solitude and vulnerability. Outer Wilds thrusts players into a time loop on a doomed planetary system, while Xenonauts 2 challenges players to manage Earth's defenses against alien invaders. These games, and others like them, concentrate not on generational starships or laser wars, but on small crews in tiny pods, the weight of the universe stacked against them in the dark.Other notable mentions include Alien: Isolation, Freelancer, Homeworld, and Out There, which all capture the minimalist elements of space travel – often just isolated noises and details. As Tracey McGarrigan noted, even classic games like Solaris on the Atari 2600 managed to evoke a sense of loneliness and awe.For those interested in exploring these themes further, the article recommends checking out Xenonauts 2, available on PC, with an estimated playtime of over 30 hours.