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U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced a "major defence cooperation partnership" with Indonesia during a ceremony at the Pentagon, describing it as a boost to regional stability in the Asia‑Pacific. Indonesian Defence Minister Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin signed the agreement alongside Hegseth, highlighting the depth of the bilateral security relationship. The partnership commits both nations to co‑develop sophisticated asymmetric capabilities and to pioneer next‑generation defence technologies in the maritime, subsurface and autonomous‑systems domains, while also enhancing operational readiness. According to the U.S. Department of Defense, the two armed forces already conduct more than 170 joint exercises each year, a figure that underscores an "active and growing" security tie. Minister Sjafrie expressed enthusiasm, stating that the cooperation should be "enduring for our next generation" and serve the "mutual respect and benefit" of both nations. One day after the signing, Indonesian media reported that Washington is seeking "blanket" overflight access for its military aircraft through Indonesian airspace, a proposal reportedly approved by President Prabowo Subianto. The Indonesian Defence Ministry clarified that discussions are limited to a non‑binding Letter of Intent and that any final agreement must respect Indonesia’s sovereign control over its airspace. Rico Ricardo Sirait, the minister’s spokesperson, emphasized that "authority, control, and oversight over Indonesian airspace rest entirely in our country" and that any regulation will guarantee Indonesia’s right to approve or reject such activities. President Prabowo is slated to meet French President Emmanuel Macron in Paris, following recent talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin on oil matters. Earlier this month, his administration introduced fuel‑rationing measures and a work‑from‑home policy for civil servants to conserve energy amid rising global oil prices. Analysts view the new defence pact as a strategic move to strengthen deterrence against potential regional threats while balancing Indonesia’s insistence on maintaining full sovereignty over its airspace. The outcome of the overflight negotiations will likely shape the future scope of U.S. military operations in Southeast Asia.

Senior Chinese diplomat Sun Weidong has been dismissed from his post as vice minister of foreign affairs, in the latest case of a high-ranking official being removed from office by Beijing. The Ministry of Human Resources announced the news in a brief post on its website on Tuesday, citing a decision of the State Council, the highest body of state power in China.The post did not specify why or when Sun had been dismissed, but the Ministry of Foreign Affairs website shows his last public engagements were meetings with the ambassadors of Brunei and Malaysia to China on March 13. Two days earlier, Sun had met Pakistan’s ambassador to China to discuss bilateral cooperation.Dismissals of this kind in the Chinese government usually indicate high-level disciplinary action and are often followed by news of an investigation. Sun’s dismissal notice included the removal of another official, An Lusheng, from his post as deputy director of the National Railway Administration.Since coming to power in 2012, President Xi Jinping has carried out a wide-ranging anticorruption campaign targeting “tigers and flies”, meaning high- and low-ranking officials. Last year, China investigated more than one million corruption cases and disciplined 938,000 people, according to its Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and National Supervisory Commission.The list of cases involving disciplinary action included 69 provincial or ministerial-level officials, 4,155 bureau-level officials, 35,000 county-level officials, and 125,000 township-level officials, according to the commission’s year-end report. Senior Chinese military officials have also been caught up in Xi’s anticorruption campaign sweeps.

The recent conflict in the Gulf has served as a harsh wake-up call for the British public regarding the state of the UK's armed forces. While air defence systems and fighter jets were swiftly deployed, the delayed arrival of a single destroyer, HMS Dragon, to Cyprus underscored concerns about Britain's military preparedness. Former Nato secretary general George Robertson criticised Keir Starmer for showing a 'corrosive complacency towards defence', warning that this put the UK in peril. In response, ministers pointed to 'decades of underinvestment' by previous governments and announced plans for the largest sustained increase in defence spending since the Cold War. The Ministry of Defence aims to spend 3.5% of GDP on defence by 2035. However, defence analysts argue that the UK's military has suffered from a 'lethal combination' of Treasury hostility to defence spending and the Ministry of Defence prioritising investment in ships and aircraft over the army. The British army has shrunk significantly since 1991, from 155,000 troops to 75,000 troops, with a reduction in armoured and infantry brigades. Defence experts, such as Ben Barry of the International Institute for Strategic Studies, blame this decline on inadequate resource allocation. Matthew Savill, director of military sciences at the Royal United Services Institute, notes that the UK has a decent spread of reasonably modern capabilities but faces several problems, including a lack of mass and reliance on allies. 'We've cut a lot of corners and in many cases we rely on our allies. That means we're particularly reliant on the US and others in certain areas and it can come back to bite,' Savill added. Britain's commitment to increase defence spending to 2.5% of GDP from April 2027 is more ambitious than France's, but experts suggest that the UK can learn from France's approach. The UK's plans have been influenced by Poland's military transformation, which has seen defence spending rise to 4.8% of GDP, the highest among Nato countries.

The Philippines has made a grave accusation against China, claiming that Chinese boats were found with cyanide near the disputed Second Thomas Shoal in the South China Sea. Laboratory tests confirmed the presence of the toxic substance in bottles seized by the Philippine navy last year. Security officials warned that the cyanide could have severe consequences for marine life and potentially weaken the reef that supports a warship Manila grounded on the atoll to reinforce its maritime claim. The use of cyanide is seen as a form of sabotage aimed at killing local fish populations and depriving navy personnel of a vital food source. Cornelio Valencia, spokesperson for the National Security Council, emphasized that the cyanide could damage the reef and compromise the stability of the warship. In response, China's Foreign Ministry dismissed the Philippines' assertions as a 'stunt,' accusing Manila of illegally harassing Chinese fishing boats and staging the incident. The incident is part of a broader maritime dispute between China and the Philippines, with China claiming nearly all of the South China Sea, including areas claimed by other nations. The dispute has led to several confrontations, including a violent incident on June 17, 2024, where a Filipino sailor lost a finger. The Philippines also accused Chinese coastguard ships of firing water cannons at Filipino fishermen in December 2025, injuring three people and damaging two fishing vessels. Despite these tensions, China and the Philippines held high-level talks last month to explore preliminary steps towards oil and gas cooperation and confidence-building measures at sea. However, the Philippine Foreign Ministry noted that the scope of coastguard cooperation would be limited and did not include joint patrols. The South China Sea is a critical waterway, with over $3 trillion in annual ship-borne commerce traveling through it. A 2016 ruling by an international arbitral tribunal found China's sweeping claims had no basis under international law, a decision China rejects.

Bahrain's Ministry of Foreign Affairs has strongly condemned the 'continued malicious drone attacks' launched from Iraq towards Bahrain and several Gulf Cooperation Council countries. The summoning of the Iraqi envoy follows similar action by Saudi Arabia, signalling growing regional concern over pro-Iranian groups based in Iraq. The diplomatic move complicates Baghdad's efforts to rebuild ties with its Arab neighbours. Bahrain's Ministry of Foreign Affairs delivered an official protest note to the Iraqi charge d'affaires, Ahmed Ismail al-Karawi, calling on Baghdad to address 'these threats and attacks urgently and responsibly'. Iraq has become a staging ground for a secondary conflict during the US-Israel war on Iran, with drones and missiles launched by Iran-aligned armed groups repeatedly targeting Gulf states and Jordan. US interests in Iraq, particularly the embassy in Baghdad, have also been targeted. Despite a two-week Iran-US ceasefire, several Gulf nations reported missile and drone attacks on their territories just hours after the ceasefire was announced. Iran-aligned groups in Iraq had announced their commitment to the ceasefire and suspended their actions towards Gulf countries. The attacks are severely testing Iraq's painstakingly rebuilt ties with its Arab neighbours. Baghdad has categorically rejected the use of its territory to target Gulf states or Jordan, adding that it is taking necessary measures 'in accordance with the constitution and the law'.

The United States has imposed a naval blockade on Iranian ports, escalating tensions between the two countries. The blockade, announced by President Donald Trump, aims to restrict Iran's access to international trade and oil exports.Iran's Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson, Esmaeil Baghaei, criticized the move, stating that it would only harm the international economy. "Can an illegal 'war of choice' be won through a 'revenge of choice' against the global economy?!" he posted on social media.Trump warned Iranian military ships against approaching the blockade zone, stating that they would be "immediately ELIMINATED" if they came close. The blockade, which came into effect on Monday, risks setting the stage for a major escalation that could fray a two-week ceasefire between the two countries.The United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations (UKMTO) centre announced that the US blockade would apply "without distinction" to ships engaging with Iranian ports and oil terminals. The restrictions encompass the entirety of the Iranian coastline, including the ports and energy infrastructure.Iranian officials have accused the US of violating the truce by allowing Israel to continue to bomb and conduct a ground invasion in Lebanon. Pakistan, which mediated the ceasefire, had said all regional fronts – including Lebanon – were part of the deal.While Trump's move to blockade Iran's ports could hamper the already ailing Iranian economy, it is unlikely to loosen the Iranian grip on Hormuz or bring down energy prices. The average price of one gallon of petrol in the US is now more than $4.12, up from less than $3 before the war began.Iran has promised to defend its territorial waters, saying the naval siege amounts to "piracy". The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRG) also warned that if fighting were to resume, Iran would introduce new capabilities to the battlefield.

Islamabad transformed into a security zone on Saturday as the city imposed a lockdown, sealing roads, establishing checkpoints, and deploying over 10,000 security personnel ahead of the anticipated US‑Iran ceasefire talks. The Iranian delegation arrived quietly late on Friday night, traveling through Balochistan before a Pakistani Air Force aircraft switched off its call sign. By the next afternoon, the American team touched down at Nur Khan Air Base, a site India once claimed was damaged during last year’s brief conflict. On the tarmac, three distinctive tail fins—one American, two Iranian—caught the eye, a subtle reminder of the region’s reliance on symbolism. Both delegations were escorted along pre‑cleared routes to the Serena Hotel, which had been emptied and secured days earlier, turning the former luxury venue into a tightly controlled diplomatic arena. This marked the first direct, high‑level engagement between post‑revolution Iran and the United States on foreign soil. Clashing worldviews in the negotiation room Inside, the talks juxtaposed an American “peace through strength” stance with Iran’s “resistance with dignity” perspective. Pakistani Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif warned the night before that the meeting was a make‑or‑break moment for lasting peace. Iran’s chief negotiator, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, set pre‑conditions: any dialogue required progress on a Lebanon ceasefire—where Israel’s campaign has killed over 2,000 people—and the unfreezing of Iranian assets held abroad, which have crippled Tehran’s economy. Within hours of arrival, bilateral side‑talks began, offering a tentative thaw for Pakistani officials facilitating the process. Although previous rounds in Muscat, Vienna, Geneva and Abu Dhabi suffered from deep mistrust, this was the first occasion that the United States’ vice‑president JD Vance and Iran’s parliamentary speaker Ghalibaf faced each other face‑to‑face. Pakistan’s strategic mediating role Pakistan leveraged its unique position—close ties to Gulf states, a shared border with Iran, proximity to the Strait of Hormuz, and a strategic partnership with China—while not hosting US military bases. This allowed Islamabad to engage all parties without overt alignment. The marathon 21‑hour session Officials described the talks as continuous yet uneven. The first session lasted under two hours, followed by a brief procedural pause during which dinner was served but informal discussions continued. Subsequent rounds involved multiple draft exchanges and rapid redrawing of red lines, with constant communication to Washington—including President Donald Trump—and Tehran. Pakistani leaders, including Prime Minister Sharif, Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, and Army Chief Asim Munir, worked around the clock, aiming not for a final pact but for a framework to prevent further escalation. Why the talks stalled As the session entered its final phase, the United States signaled an abrupt end. JD Vance summed up the outcome: “We had substantive discussions, but no agreement.” He emphasized the US demand for an affirmative, long‑term commitment from Iran not to pursue nuclear weapons, describing Washington’s proposal as its “final and best offer.” Iran’s ambassador in Islamabad framed the meeting as “not an event, but a process,” claiming it laid groundwork for future dialogue, while state‑affiliated outlets criticized the US stance as overly demanding. A senior Iranian foreign‑ministry spokesperson noted that, for Tehran, diplomacy is a continuation of its broader struggle, and any progress hinges on the other side’s “seriousness and good faith.” Pakistan’s cautious post‑talk posture Finance Minister Dar thanked both sides and pledged continued facilitation, avoiding any claim of victory or admission of failure. Behind the scenes, officials acknowledged pressure from multiple fronts—including Israel, whose prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu is perceived by some sources as a major obstacle to peace. Aftermath in Islamabad The city did not immediately revert to normal; security checkpoints and traffic diversions persisted, and the Serena Hotel remained under tight control. Journalists reported a disciplined environment with limited leaks, suggesting a deliberate effort to contain information. As the delegations departed, the door on diplomatic engagement remained open, albeit without a concrete agreement. The talks, though inconclusive, demonstrated that high‑level US‑Iran dialogue is possible under Pakistan’s mediation, preserving a channel that could prove pivotal in future regional negotiations.

The United Kingdom's decision to ban Israelis from attending the Royal College of Defence Studies (RCDS) over Israel's actions in Gaza has sparked concern within the college about its reputation. The Ministry of Defence (MOD) announced the ban in September after Israel planned a major ground assault on Gaza City.The British government made the decision amid widespread condemnation of Israel's escalation of the war. Previously unreported correspondence shows that the move prompted discussion within the RCDS about potential harm to its reputation as an institution that welcomes students of all backgrounds.RCDS commandant George Norton asked a senior military official, Tom Copinger-Symes, for help in shaping the public narrative while a government minister was preparing to answer a question about the ban in the UK's upper house of parliament. Norton sought to ensure that the public understood the college played no role in the decision.In an email, Norton told Copinger-Symes that it would be important for the government minister to highlight that the college does not invite or select participants in its courses, and that invitations were a government-to-government matter. He emphasized that the college's reputation as a welcoming institution could be harmed by the perception that it was deciding which countries to invite or not.The emails, obtained by Al Jazeera via a Freedom of Information request, reveal the college's efforts to distance itself from the government's decision. The MOD spokesperson stated that decisions about military education and training are made on a case-by-case basis and following robust assessment of benefits and risks.The UK-Israel relationship has been strained due to Israel's actions in Gaza, where over 72,000 Palestinians have been killed since Israel launched its military operation. The RCDS did not respond to a request for comment.

British Prime Minister Keir Starmer declared that the United Kingdom will not participate in the United States’ proposed blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, distancing London from President Donald Trump’s latest escalation against Iran.Speaking on BBC Radio, Starmer said, "We are not supporting the blockade," and added that the UK will not be "dragged into the US‑Israel war on Iran."The Strait of Hormuz is a strategic chokepoint through which about 20 % of the world’s oil supplies transit in peacetime. Starmer stressed that reopening the waterway is vital for global energy security and that the UK’s diplomatic efforts over recent weeks have focused on that goal.Meanwhile, the US Central Command announced it would block all maritime traffic entering or leaving Iranian ports from 14:00 GMT, though it provided few details on how the blockade would be enforced. The statement claimed the action would be applied impartially to vessels of all nations, yet it also noted that ships bound for non‑Iranian ports would not be impeded.President Trump, in a lengthy social‑media post, framed the operation as a mission to clear mines and prevent Iran from profiting from control of the strait.In a parallel diplomatic move, French President Emmanuel Macron said France and the United Kingdom will convene a conference in the coming days aimed at restoring freedom of navigation, reaffirming that “no diplomatic effort will be spared” to end the US‑Israel conflict over Iran.Nicole Grajewski, an assistant professor at Sciences Po, warned that the US blockade constitutes “more than a minor coercive signal” and effectively marks a resumption of hostilities.Other allies echoed criticism: Spanish Defence Minister Margarita Robles called the plan “makes no sense,” Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan urged “negotiations with Iran and the swift reopening of the strait,” and Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Guo Jiakun emphasized that the strait’s security is “in the common interest of the international community.”Starmer’s stance reflects a careful balancing act—maintaining NATO solidarity while refusing to endorse direct military pressure on Iran—highlighting the complex geopolitics surrounding one of the world’s most crucial maritime corridors.