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A high-level Pakistani delegation, led by Army Chief Asim Munir, has arrived in Tehran to facilitate fresh negotiations between Iran and the United States, with a fragile truce set to expire on April 22.The talks aim to address key issues, including Iran's nuclear program, control of the Strait of Hormuz, and compensation for wartime damages. Pakistani Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi is also joining mediation efforts in Tehran.US President Donald Trump has expressed optimism about a potential deal, stating that the world should brace for an “amazing two days” as the war with Iran is close to over. The White House has also indicated that additional talks with Iran would likely go forward in Islamabad.Despite these developments, US military maintains its naval blockade on all Iranian ports, which Iran's military has slammed as a violation of the ceasefire. Iran has threatened to retaliate by blocking trade through the Red Sea, Gulf, and Sea of Oman if the US does not lift its blockade.Mediators are pushing for a compromise on three main sticking points – Iran's nuclear program, control of the Strait of Hormuz, and compensation for wartime damages. Sources indicate that Pakistani mediators are optimistic about a potential major breakthrough on the nuclear front.

President Donald Trump has signaled that the U.S. Navy will enforce a blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, targeting any vessel that has paid a toll to Iran. The announcement sent oil futures soaring past $100 per barrel on Monday, reviving fears of a deeper global energy crisis. U.S. Central Command later clarified that the operation would focus on ships entering or leaving Iranian ports, a narrower scope than the initial threat to shut the entire strait. Nonetheless, experts say the move would still choke a critical chokepoint in world oil supply. "Anything that removes oil from the market pushes prices higher, which in turn lifts gasoline costs," explained Trita Parsi, co‑founder of the Quincy Institute. He warned that if Iran’s allies, notably the Houthis in Yemen, retaliate by closing the Bab al‑Mandeb strait, oil could surge above $150 a barrel. Bab al‑Mandeb serves as an alternative route for Gulf oil to reach the Red Sea and Indian Ocean. Its closure would compound the disruption already caused by the Hormuz threat. Since the start of the U.S.–Israeli conflict on February 28, Iran has limited traffic through Hormuz, allowing only a handful of vetted ships. Windward estimates that about 3,200 vessels were stranded west of the strait as of Saturday. Former chief economist Anas Alhajji of NGP Energy Capital Management expects non‑Iranian carriers to avoid the strait regardless of U.S. assurances, citing rising insurance premiums and the risk of Iranian retaliation. "The Trump blockade of Iranian ports is effectively a blockade of the Hormuz Strait," he told Al Jazeera. The ripple effects extend beyond fuel. Higher oil and gas prices will lift the cost of chemicals, fertilizers and plastics feedstocks, analysts say. Cameron Johnson, senior partner at Tidalwave Solutions, predicts a rapid increase in raw‑material prices if the blockade persists into late April or early May. "The wild card is the timeframe," Johnson noted. "If it’s a short‑term negotiating tactic, the market may absorb it, but a prolonged blockade will spike global commodity prices." Supply‑chain experts warn of broader repercussions. Deborah Elms of the Hinrich Foundation highlighted that rising fabric costs and packaging shortages could strain food production and consumer goods later in the year. Industry observer Chad Norville of Rigzone said the mere threat erodes confidence in the strait’s stability, likely driving up insurance costs and reducing daily trade volumes. In sum, a U.S. blockade of Iranian ports would mark a stark reversal of recent policy, which had briefly eased sanctions to alleviate the energy crunch. The potential escalation underscores how geopolitical moves can quickly translate into higher energy bills and broader economic strain worldwide.

Saudi Arabia has returned its East‑West oil pipeline to full operational capacity, enabling the transport of approximately 7 million barrels of crude per day after a series of attacks disrupted flow earlier this week. In a statement released on Sunday, the Ministry of Energy praised the swift repair work, noting that the turnaround demonstrates the high operational resilience and crisis‑management efficiency of Saudi Aramco and the broader national energy system. The ministry also confirmed that production at the Manifa oilfield—situated off Saudi Arabia’s eastern coast—has been restored to its full capacity of about 300,000 barrels per day (bpd). Efforts continue at the inland Khurais oilfield, which is still recovering from a loss of roughly 300,000 bpd. Earlier reports from the Saudi Press Agency indicated that attacks on a pumping station along the East‑West pipeline had cut daily output by 700,000 bpd. Simultaneous assaults on the Manifa and Khurais fields were said to have reduced combined capacity by 600,000 bpd. No party was identified as responsible for the attacks. The East‑West pipeline, linking the prolific Abqaiq field in the east to the Red Sea port of Yanbu, has become a vital conduit for international oil supplies, especially as Iran’s effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz has choked off about 20% of global oil shipments, driving up energy prices worldwide. Despite a fragile cease‑fire announced on Tuesday between the United States and Iran, maritime traffic through the strait remains severely limited. Data from S&P; Global show that only 22 vessels with active AIS transponders passed through the strait between Wednesday and Friday, a stark drop from the pre‑conflict average of 135 daily transits. Restoring the pipeline’s full capacity is expected to reinforce supply continuity for both domestic and international markets, providing a modest but meaningful cushion to the global economy as geopolitical tensions persist.

Djibouti's longtime President Ismail Omar Guelleh has claimed a landslide victory in the country's latest elections, ushering in his sixth consecutive term in the Horn of Africa country.Guelleh secured 97.81 percent of the votes cast on Friday, according to official results published by Djibouti's state-run news agency.His sole opponent, Mohamed Farah Samatar, earned just 2.19 percent of votes. Samatar's Unified Democratic Centre (CDU) opposition party has no seats in parliament, and he struggled to gain recognition ahead of the polls.Guelleh, 78, wrote on X as early results arrived: “Reelected”. Politicians last year removed presidential age limits, allowing him to seek another five years in power.Voter turnout was 80.4 percent on Friday, according to Djibouti media outlets. Roughly a quarter of the population – about 256,000 people – were registered to vote.Guelleh has ruled Djibouti's population of roughly one million since 1999. Neighbouring Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia, the country is strategically located at the Bab al-Mandeb strait, which provides access to the Red Sea from the Gulf of Aden.Even as voters turned in their ballots on Friday, few doubted who would win. Thousands had gathered at Guelleh's campaign rallies ahead of the election, while his posters could be seen plastered across the capital.

The Gulf Cooperation Council is reassessing its security model after the brief but intense US‑Israel campaign against Iran. With American bases on Gulf soil turning the region into a target for Tehran’s missile and drone barrage, Gulf capitals are looking to diversify their defence partners beyond the United States. Iran’s lingering missile arsenal and its demand to retain control of the Strait of Hormuz remain the central security dilemma. The strait channels the bulk of Gulf oil trade, and Tehran’s insistence on keeping a foothold there was a sticking point in the cease‑fire talks scheduled to begin in Islamabad. Gulf air defences boasted a high interception rate, claiming to have neutralised more than 90% of the 2,256 drones and 563 missiles that struck the United Arab Emirates, the hardest‑hit member of the bloc. Nevertheless, the Gulf is split on how to engage Iran moving forward. A hawkish bloc led by the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain favours a tougher stance, while Saudi Arabia, Qatar and others are open to restoring diplomatic ties. In a rare development, Saudi Arabia and Iran held their first official conversation since the conflict began, with foreign ministers discussing measures to lower tensions and restore regional stability. Security scholars such as Bader Mousa Al‑Saif of Kuwait University argue that Gulf states must broaden their security network, forging alliances with regional powers like Turkey and Pakistan rather than relying solely on the United States. He warned that the region needs a model that shields it from a perpetual state of war. Pre‑war trends are now accelerating: Saudi Arabia recently signed a defence pact with Pakistan, the UAE announced a partnership with India, and all three Gulf states – Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar – entered rapid defence agreements with Ukraine to counter Iranian drone threats. Talks of a “Muslim NATO” have largely faded, but a new alignment dubbed “Step”, involving Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt and Pakistan, is taking shape. The coalition’s purpose remains ambiguous, oscillating between counter‑Iran and counter‑Israel objectives, and internal rivalries complicate cohesion. The United Kingdom, which helped protect Gulf airspace during the hostilities, is also seeking deeper defence‑industrial cooperation with Saudi Arabia, as discussed by Prime Minister Keir Starmer in Jeddah. UAE political scientist Abdulkhaleq Abdulla predicts tighter security ties with the United States and a growing willingness among Gulf states to engage with Israel on military and intelligence fronts. Analysts such as Yasmine Farouk of the International Crisis Group note that Saudi Arabia’s extensive oil infrastructure, Red Sea ports and sheer geographic size give it a strategic advantage in post‑war reconstruction, though the cost of rebuilding could strain its Vision 2030 diversification agenda. Looking ahead, the Gulf is expected to layer additional security partnerships—particularly with European nations—while investing heavily in air and missile defence, hardened ports, desalination facilities, maritime surveillance and alternative export routes. As Andreas Krieg of King’s College London observes, the United States remains the only power with a full‑scale military architecture in the Gulf, but its bases are increasingly viewed as “tripwires” rather than protective shields.

Japan's Prime Minister, Sanae Takaichi, announced on Friday that the country will release additional oil reserves early next month, equivalent to roughly 20 days' worth of oil, to ensure a stable supply of crude oil. This move comes as concern grows over energy shortages caused by the crisis in the Middle East.This will be the second time Japan has dipped into its strategic reserves since the US-Israel war on Iran started in February. Last month, Takaichi approved the release of 50 days' worth of oil, the government's biggest ever release, in an attempt to head off a spike in prices.Japan has enough oil in reserve to last 230 days, but it also imports 95% of its crude oil from the Middle East, most of which is transported through the Strait of Hormuz. The country is trying to secure oil from locations that do not ship via the Strait of Hormuz, amid uncertainty over whether the waterway will fully reopen after a two-week conditional ceasefire announced by Donald Trump this week.By May, Japan should be able to secure more than half of its oil imports via other routes, Takaichi said, although she did not provide details. The industry ministry has said that potential new sources for imports could include Yanbu on Saudi Arabia's Red Sea coast and the Port of Fujairah in the United Arab Emirates.The decision to tap into oil reserves for a second time came as pressure grew on Japan's government to resist US pressure to become militarily involved in the conflict. More than 100 demonstrations were held across the country on Wednesday, with protesters urging Takaichi to abide by the postwar constitution, which forbids Japan from using the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes.

Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

Djibouti, a country with a population of less than a million people and no significant natural resources, has become a crucial hub for foreign military bases. The nation's strategic location at the entrance to the Red Sea, a vital maritime chokepoint through which roughly 12 percent of global maritime trade passes daily, has made it an attractive location for global powers.The country's President, Ismail Omar Guelleh, has leveraged Djibouti's strategic importance to advance his own aims, welcoming bases from the US, China, France, Japan, and Italy. These countries pay significant fees for the privilege of hosting their bases, with the US paying $65 million annually, France $30 million, China $20 million, and Italy and Japan over $3 million each.The Bab-el-Mandeb strait, a narrow corridor barely 30 kilometers wide, is a critical passage for global trade and communication cables. The region's instability, particularly with the US and Israel at war with Iran, has heightened Djibouti's importance. Federico Donelli, author of 'Power Competition in the Red Sea,' notes that Djibouti sits at the center of many global interests, including trade, shipping, and fiber optic connectivity.Djibouti's base-for-cash model is part of a broader development strategy, including significant infrastructure investment from Chinese firms and a new railway linking landlocked Ethiopia to the coast. However, the country's economic benefits have not trickled down to its citizens, with official unemployment near 40 percent and over one in five people living in extreme poverty.The opposition leader, Daher Ahmed Farah, has criticized Guelleh's rule, stating that the country's strategic position and hosting of military bases have not benefited the Djiboutian people. The US embassy has warned Americans to avoid areas near Camp Lemonnier, citing threats against US interests, while Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh has expressed concerns about the Iran war risks pushing Djibouti into deeper economic uncertainty.

Iran has issued a threat to close the Bab al-Mandeb shipping route, a vital waterway connecting the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden, in response to escalating tensions with the US. Ali Akbar Velayati, a top adviser to Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, warned that Iranian allies could shut the route, similar to Iran's effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz.The Bab al-Mandeb is a crucial passage for global oil trade, with 4.1 billion barrels of crude oil and refined petroleum products passing through it in 2024, accounting for 5% of the global total. A closure of both the Bab al-Mandeb and the Strait of Hormuz would block 25% of the world's oil and gas supply.The strait is effectively controlled by the Iran-backed Houthis, who have already demonstrated their ability to disrupt shipping in the region. During Israel's conflict in Gaza, the Houthis blocked the Bab al-Mandeb for ships associated with Israel or the US.A closure of the Bab al-Mandeb would have significant implications for global trade, particularly for Saudi Arabia's oil exports to Asia and global container shipping from China, India, and other Asian countries to Europe. It could also exacerbate the ongoing global energy supply crisis.Experts warn that a blockade of the Bab al-Mandeb would create a 'nightmare scenario,' disrupting trade toward Europe and potentially leading to a broader conflict in the region.