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Day 53 of the US‑Israel conflict over Iran sees diplomatic channels still blocked, a two‑week cease‑fire set to expire, and oil markets reacting sharply to renewed threats in the Strait of Hormuz. Stalled Negotiations and New Military Posturing Iran parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf warned Tehran is “ready to show new cards on the battlefield” if fighting resumes. Iran reopened Imam Khomeini and Mehrabad airports after weeks of war‑related closures. The United States, led by President Donald Trump, insists the blockade of Iranian ports will stay until a peace deal is signed, while Tehran demands its removal before talks. Both sides remain dead‑locked over Iran’s nuclear programme and the release of frozen Iranian assets. Casualties, Cease‑fire Expiry and Regional Flashpoints In Lebanon, Israeli strikes have killed at least 2,387 people; a 10‑day cease‑fire ended Wednesday. Gaza reports over 780 Palestinian deaths despite an October cease‑fire. Israeli forces continue operations in southern Lebanon, wounding six and destroying homes. UAE arrested an Iran‑linked group accused of plotting attacks; Qatar resumed foreign airline landings. Oil Market Shock and Global Economic Response Global oil prices jumped after Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz and the US Navy seized an Iranian‑flagged cargo ship. The Netherlands announced a $1.1 billion package to help businesses and households cope with rising fuel costs. Geopolitical Repercussions and Diplomatic Moves France’s Emmanuel Macron called the US‑Iran blockades “a mistake on both sides”. Russia urged an extension of the US‑Iran cease‑fire beyond its Wednesday expiry. China expressed concern over the US seizure of the Iranian vessel and called for a return to peace talks. The US State Department plans new talks Thursday and a delegation may travel to Pakistan for further negotiations. What Comes Next? Scenarios After the Cease‑fire Deadline If talks fail, renewed US‑Iran hostilities could widen the conflict, drawing in Hezbollah and further destabilising Lebanon. Extended diplomatic pressure from Europe and China may force a limited cease‑fire, but the US stance on sanctions suggests a hard‑line approach. Oil markets will likely stay volatile, with any escalation pushing prices higher and affecting global inflation.

Pakistan is intensifying diplomatic overtures to the United States and Iran in hopes of hosting a second round of peace talks in Islamabad this week, while simultaneously using the effort to improve its global standing and lure investment. Key Developments Pakistani officials are urging both sides to agree on conditions for a second round of talks in Islamabad, including easing the Hormuz Strait standoff. Field Marshal Asim Munir led a three‑day visit to Tehran that helped broker a ceasefire in Israel‑Lebanon clashes and a brief opening of the Hormuz Strait. Security cordons and hotel evacuations in Islamabad were reinstated to accommodate potential US and Iranian delegations. Pakistan secured an emergency $3 bn loan from Saudi Arabia amid daily power cuts. Analysts cite Pakistan’s nuclear capability, 600,000‑strong army, and strategic location as assets in its new diplomatic role. Data & Market Impact Emergency loan: $3 bn from Saudi Arabia to cover energy subsidies and fiscal shortfalls. Power cuts: Daily rolling blackouts imposed to conserve electricity, highlighting economic vulnerability. Potential investment: Successful mediation could improve Pakistan’s sovereign‑risk rating, attracting foreign direct investment worth billions if structural reforms follow. Why This Matters The talks place Pakistan at the centre of a volatile US‑Iran rivalry, offering it a chance to reshape its image from a “problem child” to a credible regional broker. A successful mediation could reduce the risk of a wider Gulf conflict, safeguard energy shipments through the Hormuz Strait, and provide Pakistan with diplomatic leverage to negotiate better trade and security deals. Expert Insight Strategic analysts note that Pakistan’s mediation is less about altruism and more about hedging against economic isolation. By positioning itself as the “adult in the room,” Islamabad hopes to extract concessions—such as relaxed sanctions on Iran or increased Chinese investment—that can offset its fiscal deficits. However, the reliance on a highly personalised US foreign‑policy approach under the Trump administration adds volatility; any shift in US leadership could leave Pakistan exposed. What Happens Next Within the next 48 hours: Confirmation of whether US and Iranian delegations will travel to Islamabad. Short‑term: Negotiations on Hormuz Strait de‑escalation and a possible framework for Iran’s nuclear programme. Medium‑term: If talks succeed, Pakistan may host a signing ceremony, boosting its diplomatic capital and potentially unlocking new investment pipelines. Long‑term: Continued success could embed Pakistan in a multilateral security architecture, but failure may deepen its economic woes and expose it to retaliation from either side.

The Escalating US-Iran Standoff United States President Donald Trump has claimed a second round of negotiations with Iran will take place in Pakistan on Tuesday as mediators try to revive negotiations before the end of an ongoing yet fragile two-week ceasefire. The announcement on Sunday came alongside a sharp escalation in rhetoric. Trump warned that Iran must agree to a deal "one way or another – the nice way or the hard way" and threatened to target key infrastructure if negotiations fail. He also renewed his threat of striking "bridges and power plants", which experts said could amount to war crimes under international law. Iran, however, has so far denied it will participate in the talks, accusing the US of "armed piracy" after US forces struck and seized an Iran-linked tanker on Sunday, further heightening tensions between the longtime adversaries. US Position and Demands On Sunday, Trump announced that US negotiators would travel to the Pakistani capital, Islamabad, on Monday for talks aimed at ending the US-Israel war on Iran. In a social media post, the president did not say which officials would be sent to the talks. Last weekend's first round of talks, at which Vice President JD Vance led the US delegation, ended without a deal. Trump accused Iran of violating their two-week ceasefire, which is due to expire on Wednesday, by opening fire on Saturday in the Strait of Hormuz. The US president threatened to destroy civilian infrastructure in Iran if it doesn't accept the terms of the deal being offered by the US. "We're offering a very fair and reasonable deal, and I hope they take it because, if they don't, the United States is going to knock out every single power plant, and every single bridge, in Iran," Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform. In a further escalation, Trump said an Iranian-flagged ship called the Touska was "stopped" by US forces in the Gulf of Oman "by blowing a hole in the engine room". He said it was trying to get past the US naval blockade of Iranian ports. US forces boarded the ship and took physical control of the vessel. Iran's Response and Position Iran's Khatam al-Anbiya military headquarters confirmed the US attack on the Iranian-flagged tanker and said it would "respond soon". Then, Iran's Tasnim News Agency reported that Iranian forces had sent drones in the direction of US military ships. Ebrahim Azizi, the head of the Iranian parliament's National Security Committee, told Al Jazeera that Iran's actions during talks with the US are strictly guided by national interests and security. When asked if Tehran intends to participate in the talks in Islamabad, he said, "Iran acts based on national interests." "We see the current negotiations as a continuation of the battlefield, and we see nothing other than the battlefield in this," he said. "If it yields achievements that sustain those of the battlefield, then the negotiation arena is also an opportunity for us … but not if the Americans intend to turn this into a field of excessive demands based on their bullying approach." Key Points of Friction Since the start of the war on February 28, a number of new sticking points have emerged – alongside old challenges: Strait of Hormuz Dispute A central dispute is over the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global shipping route linking the Gulf to the Arabian Sea. One-fifth of the world's oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies were shipped through the strait before the war began. Iran insists on sovereignty over the waterway, which lies within the territorial waters of Iran and Oman and does not fall into international waters, and stated that only "nonhostile" ships could pass. It has also floated the idea of levying tolls while Washington demands full freedom of navigation. After the war began, Iran in effect closed the strait by forbidding transits, attacking ships and reportedly laying sea mines. Shipping traffic has since dropped by 95 percent. A week ago, the US implemented a blockade of its own. Its Navy has been blocking Iranian ports to pressure Tehran to reopen the vital waterway, adding another obstacle to the talks. According to Rob Geist Pinfold, a lecturer in international security at King's College London, Trump's stance on the strait has shifted during the conflict and remains unclear. "We've had Trump say that he would be open to jointly controlling the Strait of Hormuz with Iran, where both sides collect a toll for shipping," Geist Pinfold noted, calling this "completely different to the demands of the US on paper but also the demands of the US's regional allies like the Gulf states and Israel, … who would regard any deal that entrenches Iranian control of the Strait of Hormuz … as a stab in the back". "This isn't just between the US and Iran. It's about the US having to keep its regional allies on side," Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera. Nuclear Enrichment Standoff Another core issue is Iran's nuclear programme, particularly its stock of enriched uranium. The US and Israel are pushing for zero uranium enrichment and have accused Iran of working towards building a nuclear weapon while providing no evidence for their claims. Iran has insisted its enrichment effort is for civilian purposes only. It is a signatory to the 1970 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). In 2015, the US was a signatory to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) under then-US President Barack Obama. In that agreement, Iran pledged to limit its uranium enrichment to 3.67 per cent, which is substantially below weapons grade, and to comply with inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to insure it wasn't developing nuclear weapons. In return, international sanctions on Iran were lifted. However, in 2018, during his first term, Trump withdrew the US from the JCPOA despite the IAEA saying Iran had complied with the agreement up to that point. In March 2025, Tulsi Gabbard, the US director of national intelligence, testified to Congress that the US "continues to assess that Iran is not building a nuclear weapon". A month later, the IAEA estimated that Iran had 440kg (970lb) of 60-percent enriched uranium. While that is also below weapons grade, it is a short jump to achieve the 90-percent purity needed for atomic weapons production. On Sunday, in strongly worded comments, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian said Trump had no justification to ⁠⁠"deprive" Iran of its nuclear ⁠⁠rights. Maryam Jamshidi, a law professor at the University of Colorado in Boulder, said Iran's position on enrichment is based on Article IV of the NPT, "which recognises that all state parties [to the treaty] have the inalienable right to research, develop and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes". "In demanding that Iran have no enrichment, the United States is denying Iran its rights under this treaty," she told Al Jazeera. "In insisting that its right to enrichment be preserved, Iran is expressing a reasonable desire to be treated the same as any other state under international law." Lebanon Conflict Complicates Talks Two days after the first US-Israeli strikes on Tehran on February 28, in which Supreme Leader Ali Khamanei was killed, the Iran-backed Hezbollah group in Lebanon began firing rockets and drones into northern Israel, and Israel struck back, launching an invasion into southern Lebanon. Iran is adamant that its ceasefire with the US extends to Lebanon and is demanding Israel end its offensive against its ally Hezbollah and its invasion of Lebanon. After initially denying the two-week ceasefire included Lebanon, Israel accepted a 10-day truce starting on Thursday night after direct Israel-Lebanon talks. However, that ceasefire is also teetering on collapse amid renewed hostilities. On Monday, the Israeli military claimed that it struck a loaded launch system in the Kfarkela area of southern Lebanon overnight while Hezbollah claimed responsibility for multiple explosions that it said hit a convoy of eight Israeli armoured vehicles, also in southern Lebanon. Hezbollah is Tehran's most powerful ally in the region and a central part of its "axis of resistance", a network of armed groups across the Middle East aligned with Iran against Israel. The network also includes Yemen's Houthis and a collection of armed groups in Iraq. Evolving US Demands Before the US-Israeli war on Iran, Tehran had always insisted negotiations be exclusively focused on Iran's nuclear programme. US demands, however, have extended beyond the nuclear file. Before the war, Washington and Israel demanded severe restrictions on Iran's ballistic missile programme. Iran has said its ability to maintain its missile capabilities is non-negotiable. On February 25, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio warned that Iran's refusal to discuss its missile programme was a "big problem". Yet, since the two-week ceasefire was announced on April 8 and the Pakistan-brokered negotiations began, the US has not made any mention of Iran's ballistic missiles, which have been a major feature in Iran's retaliation against US and Israeli forces. Regime Change and Proxy Support The US and Israel have also made no secret of their desire for a change in Iran's government. Asked two weeks before the war began if he wished for a toppling of the government in Tehran, Trump said: "Seems like that would be the best thing that could happen." After the killing of Khamenei and multiple other senior Iranian leaders, Trump claimed the US-Israel war had in effect brought about "regime change", claiming key leadership layers were "decimated". Experts, however, disputed Trump's assertions, saying the government was very much intact, if not stronger. Salar Mohandesi, a professor at Bowdoin College in Maine, argued that despite US claims, what is happening in Iran does not meet any serious definition of "regime change". "The fundamental structures of the Islamic Republic are intact, and the new leaders are regime loyalists who are arguably more hardline than their assassinated predecessors," he told Al Jazeera. Mohandesi said the war has arguably strengthened the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), something that is an "acceleration of an existing" trend and does not necessarily amount to regime change, "certainly not in the way Trump means it". "Trump's declaration that he has succeeded in 'regime change' is just a rhetorical move to try to claim victory where none exists," he added. Proxy Group Support Three days before the war began during his State of the Union address to the US Congress, Trump accused Iran and "its murderous proxies" of spreading "nothing but terrorism and death and hate". The US and Israel have long demanded Iran stop supporting its nonstate allies – primarily Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen and a number of groups in Iraq. Tehran to date has refused to enter into any dialogue about limiting its support for these armed groups. But on Friday, Trump claimed Iran had agreed to almost all of the US demands, including support for its proxies. A statement by Iran's Ministry of Foreign Affairs rejected that any such agreement was in place, saying: "The Americans talk excessively and create noise around the situation. Do not be misled!" Prospects for a Breakthrough On Sunday, Iran's top negotiator and speaker of its parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, acknowledged that while "conclusions" had been reached on some issues, "we are far from a final agreement." Analyst Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera that deep divisions between the US and Iran make a comprehensive deal unlikely in the near term despite some openings created by Trump's shifting positions. "The primary complication that would mean a deal is less likely but also one of the potential curveballs that would make a deal more likely is the Trump administration's equivocations regarding what its red lines actually are," he said. "At the moment, the gaps look insurmountable," Geist Pinfold added, noting that "the best-case scenario would be the extension of the ceasefire rather than the actual deal." The US-Iran talks face major structural obstacles despite growing speculation about a negotiated end to the current crisis, according to Bowdoin College's Mohandesi. "Donald Trump feels that he needs to somehow convert this disastrous defeat into some sort of win," he noted, adding: "It's unclear what that would look like at the negotiating table." On the Iranian side, Mohandesi sees little room for compromise on the core strategic issues. "Iran will absolutely not abandon its missile programme. It will not stop supporting its allies in the region, and it will almost certainly not agree to zero enrichment," he said. The academic questioned whether even a restoration of maritime traffic would constitute meaningful success for Washington. Even if Trump "were to somehow convince Iran to return the Strait of Hormuz to the pre-war status quo, it's unclear how that would be a major win since the strait was open before he started the war", Mohandesi said.

Oil prices have plummeted to their lowest point in weeks after Iran said the Strait of Hormuz was open for passage during a ceasefire in Lebanon. The international benchmark, Brent crude, fell more than 9 percent to $90.38 a barrel on Friday, taking it below $91 for the first time since March 10.Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said the strait was “completely open” and would remain so for the duration of the 10-day ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon, which took effect on Friday. US President Donald Trump hailed Tehran’s announcement, declaring the waterway “ready for business and full passage.”However, on Saturday, Iran rowed back on its decision to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, warning that it would continue to block transit through the key waterway as long as the US blockade of Iranian ports remained in effect. Trump said the blockade “will remain in full force” until Tehran reaches a deal with the US, including on its nuclear programme.Roughly one-fifth of the world’s oil passes through Hormuz and further limits would squeeze already constrained supply, driving prices higher once again. Amid the escalation, Pakistani officials say they are trying for more talks between the US and Iran ahead of the April 22 ceasefire deadline.Meanwhile, ship tracking data displayed a significant uptick in vessels crossing the strait on Saturday, with an analyst at maritime intelligence firm Windward saying it was the busiest since the Strait of Hormuz was effectively closed at the beginning of the war.

Iran’s foreign minister Abbas Araghchi announced that the Strait of Hormuz is now fully open to commercial vessels, a statement that raised hopes for de‑escalation in the Middle‑East conflict and sent global oil prices tumbling. President Donald Trump took to social media to celebrate the news, proclaiming it a "great and brilliant day for the world" and asserting that Iran had pledged never to shut the strategic waterway again. Trump also claimed that Tehran had agreed to suspend its nuclear programme indefinitely and would forfeit any frozen U.S. funds, suggesting that a deal‑making session could occur over the upcoming weekend. In contrast, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) offered only qualified support for Araghchi’s declaration, indicating that commercial traffic would be permitted only along a prescribed route and under IRGC naval permission. The United States, however, signalled that its naval blockade of Iranian ports will remain in force until all transactions are completed, warning that few vessels are likely to risk passage under the current uncertainty. Oil markets reacted swiftly: Brent crude slipped below $90 per barrel, easing inflationary pressures that had surged after the strait’s earlier closure. Simultaneously, a ten‑day truce in Lebanon entered its second day, temporarily halting Israeli airstrikes against Hezbollah‑aligned forces and offering a brief respite to civilians after weeks of intense fighting. Despite the truce, an Israeli drone strike in southern Lebanon killed a civilian, and Defence Minister Israel Katz reiterated that the Israeli Defence Forces were not withdrawing and could resume operations. In Paris, representatives from roughly 40 nations gathered at a conference co‑chaired by France and the United Kingdom to discuss a coordinated plan for safeguarding the strait, which historically carries about one‑fifth of the world’s oil and gas shipments. French President Emmanuel Macron welcomed Araghchi’s statement but urged a "full, unconditional reopening" by all parties, while UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer called for any reopening plan to be "lasting and workable". The International Maritime Organization’s secretary‑general, Arsenio Domínguez, said the agency is reviewing the announcement to ensure it complies with the principle of free navigation for all merchant vessels. Pakistan’s army chief Field Marshal Asim Munir, acting as a key mediator, arrived in Tehran to advance negotiations for a more durable peace, underscoring Pakistan’s growing diplomatic role in the region. Overall, while the Hormuz opening has eased immediate market pressures, the broader geopolitical landscape remains volatile, with the U.S.–Iran cease‑fire set to expire soon and regional actors still poised for further confrontation.

Britain is bracing for its most severe economic contraction in decades, a side‑effect of the United States’ escalating conflict with Iran and the resulting shutdown of the Strait of Hormuz. The British Treasury and the IMF warn that the nation’s growth could be crushed, public confidence in the government is eroding, and the prime minister’s position may become untenable. The original aim of sanctions was to punish hostile states and force leaders like Vladimir Putin to change course. Yet, data shows that in the years following the sanctions, Russia’s growth outpaced that of the United Kingdom. Similarly, the 2010s sanctions on Iran, intended to halt its nuclear programme, appear to have accelerated it, and current measures aimed at toppling the ayatollahs show little prospect of success. The United States now enforces economic restrictions on around 30 countries, including North Korea, Myanmar, Belarus and Afghanistan. Despite the breadth of these measures, the targeted regimes have largely remained in power, indicating a systemic failure of sanctions to destabilise entrenched governments. Beyond their limited impact on regime change, sanctions have unintentionally bolstered the Sino‑Russian trade bloc and driven many nations toward the BRICS alliance, positioning it as a counterweight to the G7. This realignment underscores the counter‑productive nature of the policy. Academic research, such as Nicholas Mulder’s The Economic Weapon, reinforces the historical pattern: except for very small states, trade restrictions are easily circumvented, and authoritarian regimes insulated from democratic pressures are largely immune. Mulder concludes that “the history of sanctions is a history of disappointment,” a sentiment echoed by critics who warn that each new round of sanctions repeats the same mistakes. One of the most damaging side‑effects is the exodus of skilled professionals. Iran, for example, has seen a diaspora of over four million people as of 2021, many of whom belong to the educated middle class that could have fueled internal reform. The brain drain weakens any potential opposition and inadvertently benefits Western economies that absorb this talent. Russia experienced a similar talent flight after the 1990s, when a vibrant civil society briefly flourished. Today, the remaining dissenters face both Kremlin repression and Western ostracism, creating an atmosphere reminiscent of McCarthy‑era loyalty tests. Given these outcomes, the article argues that the West must abandon blunt economic coercion in favour of nuanced, soft‑power strategies. Supporting opposition groups through academic, cultural, and diplomatic channels could nurture the very alternatives that sanctions have helped to erode. In sum, sanctions have proven illiberal and counter‑productive, reinforcing authoritarian borders while draining the human capital needed for genuine change. Restoring constructive relationships with societies like Iran and Russia, rather than relying on punitive trade measures, may offer a more viable path to long‑term stability.

Pakistan has publicly indicated that it foresees a major breakthrough that is directly tied to the progress of Iran's nuclear programme. While details remain scarce, the statement underscores the strategic importance Islamabad places on developments in Tehran's nuclear trajectory. The anticipation of such a breakthrough suggests that Pakistan may be preparing for shifts in regional diplomatic dynamics, security calculations, or economic considerations that could arise from changes in Iran's nuclear status. Analysts note that any substantive movement in Iran's nuclear capabilities could reverberate across South Asia, influencing not only bilateral relations between Islamabad and Tehran but also broader geopolitical alignments in the Middle East and beyond.

Pakistani officials have expressed confidence that a significant diplomatic breakthrough could emerge from the latest round of U.S.–Iran negotiations, with Islamabad intensifying its role as mediator in a conflict that has already claimed thousands of lives. On Wednesday, a senior Pakistani delegation led by Army Chief Asim Munir landed in Tehran to deliver a message from Washington to Iranian leaders, according to Iran’s Press TV. The envoy was welcomed by Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, who thanked Pakistan for its "gracious hosting of dialogue" and indicated that groundwork is being laid for a second U.S.–Iran round of talks. Al Jazeera analyst Osama Bin Javaid noted that Pakistani officials anticipate a "major breakthrough on the nuclear front," with messages shuttling continuously between the two capitals. The core dispute centers on the length of any Iranian enrichment freeze—ranging from a proposed five‑year to a twenty‑year moratorium—and the disposition of Iran’s 440 kilograms of highly enriched uranium. Options under discussion include exporting the material, diluting it to natural uranium, or reducing enrichment to a maximum of 3 %. Pakistan’s diplomatic push follows a stalled U.S.–Iran session in Islamabad that ended without a cease‑fire agreement. Mediators are now concentrating on three pivotal issues: the nuclear programme, control of the strategic Strait of Hormuz—which Tehran has effectively closed, driving up global oil prices—and compensation for wartime damages. The conflict, ignited by the United States and Israel on 28 February, has resulted in more than 3,000 Iranian deaths and prompted retaliatory strikes against Gulf states. It has also reignited hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon, where over 2,000 casualties have been reported since early March. A cease‑fire declared on 8 April halted attacks in Iran and the Gulf, yet Israeli operations in southern Lebanon have persisted. Simultaneously, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif embarked on a regional tour to Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey, a move described by Bin Javaid as a "double‑pronged strategy" aimed at neutralising opposition to a potential deal. According to the White House, President Donald Trump signalled optimism on Tuesday, suggesting the war could conclude within "an amazing two days" and that it is "very close to over." Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt later described the Pakistan‑facilitated talks as "productive and ongoing," adding that further negotiations are likely to take place in Islamabad. Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs confirmed that message exchanges with the United States have continued via Pakistani channels, with spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei stating that Tehran’s positions have been communicated. Nevertheless, tensions linger. A U.S. naval blockade of Iranian ports in the Strait of Hormuz remains active; U.S. Central Command reported turning back nine vessels as of Wednesday. Iran’s military denounced the blockade as a breach of the cease‑fire, and the Iranian joint command chief, Ali Abdollahi, warned of possible retaliation by disrupting trade routes through the Red Sea, the Gulf and the Sea of Oman if the blockade persists.

A Pakistani delegation headed by Army Chief General Asim Munir arrived in Tehran on Wednesday, bearing a fresh message from Washington and urging the launch of a second round of negotiations between the United States and Iran. The effort comes as the two‑week ceasefire that halted hostilities last week is set to expire on April 22, leaving a narrow window to end a war that has claimed more than 4,000 lives across the Middle East, primarily in Iran and Lebanon. The initial round of talks, held in Islamabad on April 11‑12, marked the most significant direct engagement between Washington and Tehran in decades. Mediated by Pakistan, the sessions lasted over 20 hours and featured both indirect and direct exchanges between U.S. Vice President JD Vance and senior Iranian officials led by Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf. Despite covering core issues—nuclear programme, sanctions relief, frozen assets and control of the Strait of Hormuz—the talks concluded without a memorandum, with Vance asserting that Iran “did not accept our terms” and that the U.S. requires a “fundamental commitment” to forego nuclear weapons. President Donald Trump has described the conflict as “very close to being over” and hinted that a second round could resume within days, possibly in Islamabad. However, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif is currently on a four‑day tour of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey to rally regional backing, making a rapid return to Islamabad uncertain. U.S. officials have offered an “in‑principle” agreement to extend the ceasefire, yet a Reuters‑cited source confirmed that Washington has not formally committed to an extension. Meanwhile, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan expressed optimism, stating that “there can be no negotiating with clenched fists.” Key sticking points remain: Nuclear programme: The United States and Israel demand a complete halt to uranium enrichment, accusing Iran of weaponization despite a lack of public evidence. Iran maintains its enrichment is for civilian use and cites its obligations under the 1970 Non‑Proliferation Treaty. Strait of Hormuz: One‑fifth of global oil and LNG passes through this chokepoint. Since the February strikes, shipping through the strait has dropped by 95 %. Iran permits passage for “non‑hostile” vessels and seeks the right to levy tolls, while the U.S. insists on unrestricted navigation. Lebanon/Hezbollah: Iran demands that Israel cease its offensive against Hezbollah. While Tehran claims the ceasefire covers Lebanon, both the United States and Israel reject this, and Israel continues attacks on Hezbollah positions. Complicating the diplomatic landscape, President Trump announced a naval blockade of Iranian ports, adding pressure on Tehran and potentially hindering any imminent talks. With the ceasefire deadline looming and regional actors issuing mixed signals, the prospects for a renewed U.S.–Iran dialogue hinge on whether Pakistan can secure a consensus among the parties before the window closes.