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The Geopolitical Tinderbox of the StraitWith the specter of a full-scale war involving Iran looming, the global community faces a stark reality: the Strait of Hormuz has become the most vulnerable link in the global energy supply chain. The situation is not merely a regional concern but a potential systemic shock that could reverberate through every corner of the global economy.Disruption at the Critical ChokepointThe Strait of Hormuz is the narrowest point of the Persian Gulf, connecting the oil-rich Middle East to the rest of the world. Through this 21-mile-wide waterway, roughly 20% of the world's oil passes daily. Any military escalation here would not just be a regional conflict but a global emergency, as tankers carrying crude from Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and the UAE would be forced to reroute or halt operations entirely.Market Volatility and Price ProjectionsShort-term Shock: Analysts project that a sustained closure could lead to immediate price volatility exceeding 30% in the short term.Supply Deficit: The disruption could reduce global oil supply by up to 17 million barrels per day, creating a deficit that current strategic reserves may struggle to fill.Cost Inflation: Beyond oil, the cost of shipping goods via the Red Sea and Suez Canal would likely double, driving up the price of everything from electronics to food.Global Economic RamificationsAn energy crisis of this magnitude would act as a massive tax on the global economy. Emerging markets, which are most sensitive to fuel price fluctuations, would face severe balance-of-payments crises. In developed economies, the spike in energy costs would likely reignite inflation, forcing central banks to maintain restrictive monetary policies, thereby stalling economic recovery.Strategic Outlook for 2026The future outlook suggests that the 2026 energy landscape will be defined by resilience rather than efficiency. We can expect a rapid acceleration of energy diversification strategies, including increased investment in liquefied natural gas (LNG) terminals and a renewed push for renewable energy independence to insulate nations from geopolitical shocks.

The Escalating US-Iran Standoff United States President Donald Trump has claimed a second round of negotiations with Iran will take place in Pakistan on Tuesday as mediators try to revive negotiations before the end of an ongoing yet fragile two-week ceasefire. The announcement on Sunday came alongside a sharp escalation in rhetoric. Trump warned that Iran must agree to a deal "one way or another – the nice way or the hard way" and threatened to target key infrastructure if negotiations fail. He also renewed his threat of striking "bridges and power plants", which experts said could amount to war crimes under international law. Iran, however, has so far denied it will participate in the talks, accusing the US of "armed piracy" after US forces struck and seized an Iran-linked tanker on Sunday, further heightening tensions between the longtime adversaries. US Position and Demands On Sunday, Trump announced that US negotiators would travel to the Pakistani capital, Islamabad, on Monday for talks aimed at ending the US-Israel war on Iran. In a social media post, the president did not say which officials would be sent to the talks. Last weekend's first round of talks, at which Vice President JD Vance led the US delegation, ended without a deal. Trump accused Iran of violating their two-week ceasefire, which is due to expire on Wednesday, by opening fire on Saturday in the Strait of Hormuz. The US president threatened to destroy civilian infrastructure in Iran if it doesn't accept the terms of the deal being offered by the US. "We're offering a very fair and reasonable deal, and I hope they take it because, if they don't, the United States is going to knock out every single power plant, and every single bridge, in Iran," Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform. In a further escalation, Trump said an Iranian-flagged ship called the Touska was "stopped" by US forces in the Gulf of Oman "by blowing a hole in the engine room". He said it was trying to get past the US naval blockade of Iranian ports. US forces boarded the ship and took physical control of the vessel. Iran's Response and Position Iran's Khatam al-Anbiya military headquarters confirmed the US attack on the Iranian-flagged tanker and said it would "respond soon". Then, Iran's Tasnim News Agency reported that Iranian forces had sent drones in the direction of US military ships. Ebrahim Azizi, the head of the Iranian parliament's National Security Committee, told Al Jazeera that Iran's actions during talks with the US are strictly guided by national interests and security. When asked if Tehran intends to participate in the talks in Islamabad, he said, "Iran acts based on national interests." "We see the current negotiations as a continuation of the battlefield, and we see nothing other than the battlefield in this," he said. "If it yields achievements that sustain those of the battlefield, then the negotiation arena is also an opportunity for us … but not if the Americans intend to turn this into a field of excessive demands based on their bullying approach." Key Points of Friction Since the start of the war on February 28, a number of new sticking points have emerged – alongside old challenges: Strait of Hormuz Dispute A central dispute is over the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global shipping route linking the Gulf to the Arabian Sea. One-fifth of the world's oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies were shipped through the strait before the war began. Iran insists on sovereignty over the waterway, which lies within the territorial waters of Iran and Oman and does not fall into international waters, and stated that only "nonhostile" ships could pass. It has also floated the idea of levying tolls while Washington demands full freedom of navigation. After the war began, Iran in effect closed the strait by forbidding transits, attacking ships and reportedly laying sea mines. Shipping traffic has since dropped by 95 percent. A week ago, the US implemented a blockade of its own. Its Navy has been blocking Iranian ports to pressure Tehran to reopen the vital waterway, adding another obstacle to the talks. According to Rob Geist Pinfold, a lecturer in international security at King's College London, Trump's stance on the strait has shifted during the conflict and remains unclear. "We've had Trump say that he would be open to jointly controlling the Strait of Hormuz with Iran, where both sides collect a toll for shipping," Geist Pinfold noted, calling this "completely different to the demands of the US on paper but also the demands of the US's regional allies like the Gulf states and Israel, … who would regard any deal that entrenches Iranian control of the Strait of Hormuz … as a stab in the back". "This isn't just between the US and Iran. It's about the US having to keep its regional allies on side," Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera. Nuclear Enrichment Standoff Another core issue is Iran's nuclear programme, particularly its stock of enriched uranium. The US and Israel are pushing for zero uranium enrichment and have accused Iran of working towards building a nuclear weapon while providing no evidence for their claims. Iran has insisted its enrichment effort is for civilian purposes only. It is a signatory to the 1970 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). In 2015, the US was a signatory to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) under then-US President Barack Obama. In that agreement, Iran pledged to limit its uranium enrichment to 3.67 per cent, which is substantially below weapons grade, and to comply with inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to insure it wasn't developing nuclear weapons. In return, international sanctions on Iran were lifted. However, in 2018, during his first term, Trump withdrew the US from the JCPOA despite the IAEA saying Iran had complied with the agreement up to that point. In March 2025, Tulsi Gabbard, the US director of national intelligence, testified to Congress that the US "continues to assess that Iran is not building a nuclear weapon". A month later, the IAEA estimated that Iran had 440kg (970lb) of 60-percent enriched uranium. While that is also below weapons grade, it is a short jump to achieve the 90-percent purity needed for atomic weapons production. On Sunday, in strongly worded comments, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian said Trump had no justification to ⁠⁠"deprive" Iran of its nuclear ⁠⁠rights. Maryam Jamshidi, a law professor at the University of Colorado in Boulder, said Iran's position on enrichment is based on Article IV of the NPT, "which recognises that all state parties [to the treaty] have the inalienable right to research, develop and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes". "In demanding that Iran have no enrichment, the United States is denying Iran its rights under this treaty," she told Al Jazeera. "In insisting that its right to enrichment be preserved, Iran is expressing a reasonable desire to be treated the same as any other state under international law." Lebanon Conflict Complicates Talks Two days after the first US-Israeli strikes on Tehran on February 28, in which Supreme Leader Ali Khamanei was killed, the Iran-backed Hezbollah group in Lebanon began firing rockets and drones into northern Israel, and Israel struck back, launching an invasion into southern Lebanon. Iran is adamant that its ceasefire with the US extends to Lebanon and is demanding Israel end its offensive against its ally Hezbollah and its invasion of Lebanon. After initially denying the two-week ceasefire included Lebanon, Israel accepted a 10-day truce starting on Thursday night after direct Israel-Lebanon talks. However, that ceasefire is also teetering on collapse amid renewed hostilities. On Monday, the Israeli military claimed that it struck a loaded launch system in the Kfarkela area of southern Lebanon overnight while Hezbollah claimed responsibility for multiple explosions that it said hit a convoy of eight Israeli armoured vehicles, also in southern Lebanon. Hezbollah is Tehran's most powerful ally in the region and a central part of its "axis of resistance", a network of armed groups across the Middle East aligned with Iran against Israel. The network also includes Yemen's Houthis and a collection of armed groups in Iraq. Evolving US Demands Before the US-Israeli war on Iran, Tehran had always insisted negotiations be exclusively focused on Iran's nuclear programme. US demands, however, have extended beyond the nuclear file. Before the war, Washington and Israel demanded severe restrictions on Iran's ballistic missile programme. Iran has said its ability to maintain its missile capabilities is non-negotiable. On February 25, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio warned that Iran's refusal to discuss its missile programme was a "big problem". Yet, since the two-week ceasefire was announced on April 8 and the Pakistan-brokered negotiations began, the US has not made any mention of Iran's ballistic missiles, which have been a major feature in Iran's retaliation against US and Israeli forces. Regime Change and Proxy Support The US and Israel have also made no secret of their desire for a change in Iran's government. Asked two weeks before the war began if he wished for a toppling of the government in Tehran, Trump said: "Seems like that would be the best thing that could happen." After the killing of Khamenei and multiple other senior Iranian leaders, Trump claimed the US-Israel war had in effect brought about "regime change", claiming key leadership layers were "decimated". Experts, however, disputed Trump's assertions, saying the government was very much intact, if not stronger. Salar Mohandesi, a professor at Bowdoin College in Maine, argued that despite US claims, what is happening in Iran does not meet any serious definition of "regime change". "The fundamental structures of the Islamic Republic are intact, and the new leaders are regime loyalists who are arguably more hardline than their assassinated predecessors," he told Al Jazeera. Mohandesi said the war has arguably strengthened the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), something that is an "acceleration of an existing" trend and does not necessarily amount to regime change, "certainly not in the way Trump means it". "Trump's declaration that he has succeeded in 'regime change' is just a rhetorical move to try to claim victory where none exists," he added. Proxy Group Support Three days before the war began during his State of the Union address to the US Congress, Trump accused Iran and "its murderous proxies" of spreading "nothing but terrorism and death and hate". The US and Israel have long demanded Iran stop supporting its nonstate allies – primarily Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen and a number of groups in Iraq. Tehran to date has refused to enter into any dialogue about limiting its support for these armed groups. But on Friday, Trump claimed Iran had agreed to almost all of the US demands, including support for its proxies. A statement by Iran's Ministry of Foreign Affairs rejected that any such agreement was in place, saying: "The Americans talk excessively and create noise around the situation. Do not be misled!" Prospects for a Breakthrough On Sunday, Iran's top negotiator and speaker of its parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, acknowledged that while "conclusions" had been reached on some issues, "we are far from a final agreement." Analyst Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera that deep divisions between the US and Iran make a comprehensive deal unlikely in the near term despite some openings created by Trump's shifting positions. "The primary complication that would mean a deal is less likely but also one of the potential curveballs that would make a deal more likely is the Trump administration's equivocations regarding what its red lines actually are," he said. "At the moment, the gaps look insurmountable," Geist Pinfold added, noting that "the best-case scenario would be the extension of the ceasefire rather than the actual deal." The US-Iran talks face major structural obstacles despite growing speculation about a negotiated end to the current crisis, according to Bowdoin College's Mohandesi. "Donald Trump feels that he needs to somehow convert this disastrous defeat into some sort of win," he noted, adding: "It's unclear what that would look like at the negotiating table." On the Iranian side, Mohandesi sees little room for compromise on the core strategic issues. "Iran will absolutely not abandon its missile programme. It will not stop supporting its allies in the region, and it will almost certainly not agree to zero enrichment," he said. The academic questioned whether even a restoration of maritime traffic would constitute meaningful success for Washington. Even if Trump "were to somehow convince Iran to return the Strait of Hormuz to the pre-war status quo, it's unclear how that would be a major win since the strait was open before he started the war", Mohandesi said.

Iranian authorities announced a swift reversal of the Strait of Hormuz’s reopening, reinstating tight military oversight after Washington declared it would maintain the blockade on Iranian ports.IRGC vessels engaged a tanker attempting to transit the waterway on Saturday, and a separate Indian‑flagged crude carrier was also reported to have come under fire, according to a UK maritime agency and Reuters.The Khatam al‑Anbiya joint military command stated that the strait has returned to its "previous status" and is now under "strict management and control by the armed forces". The restrictions will stay in place unless the United States guarantees full freedom of navigation for vessels traveling to and from Iran, a condition reiterated by Deputy Foreign Minister Saeed Khatibzadeh and the IRGC navy command.Speaking at a Turkish diplomatic forum in Antalya, Khatibzadeh warned that the U.S. cannot impose a "siege" on Iran while Tehran seeks to ensure safe passage through the strategic chokepoint.On the social platform X, the IRGC navy warned that any perceived breach of U.S. commitments would elicit a "appropriate response" and that the strait’s status would remain unchanged as long as Iranian shipping faces threats.Iran initially closed the strait on 4 March following U.S.–Israeli airstrikes, reopening it only after a 10‑day ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon was brokered. The latest U‑turn follows President Donald Trump’s declaration that the U.S. blockade will remain in force until a permanent peace agreement with Tehran is reached, and he hinted that the temporary Pakistan‑mediated ceasefire may not be extended.The UK’s Maritime Trade Operations Centre reported that a tanker was approached and fired upon by two IRGC gunboats about 20 nautical miles northeast of Oman. The vessel’s captain confirmed that no radio warning was given, but the crew emerged unharmed and authorities are investigating.Despite the brief reopening, maritime tracking showed that only eight oil and gas tankers managed to pass through the strait before Iran’s reversal.Approximately 20% of global oil and liquefied natural gas transits the Strait of Hormuz, making it a focal point of the broader U.S.–Israeli‑Iran conflict. Its closure has already contributed to rising energy prices worldwide.Regional diplomats remain cautiously optimistic: Egypt’s foreign minister Badr Abdelatty expressed hope for a deal "in the coming days," noting that the prolonged conflict harms not only the Middle East but the entire world.

National Gas announced that the United Kingdom will have enough gas to satisfy summer demand despite recent tensions in the Strait of Hormuz. The network, which runs the country’s gas pipelines, says domestic and Norwegian supplies will cover the low‑usage months, meaning liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports will be minimal this summer. The real challenge lies ahead. While renewable rollout is accelerating, gas will remain a core part of the UK’s energy mix for at least the next two decades. It accounts for about 37% of total gas consumption in 2024, with domestic heating being the largest single use. Replacing millions of boilers with heat pumps cannot happen quickly, especially given the current sluggish pace. Government plans for 2030 still require the full 35 GW of gas‑fired generation capacity to stay online as backup. Energy department data released in early 2025 showed gas demand “broadly stable” for the third consecutive year, representing roughly half of the nation’s 75.2% fossil‑fuel dependency. In the debate over new North Sea drilling licences, the key question is where future gas will come from. Oxford energy economist Sir Dieter Helm, speaking on a Chatham House podcast, warned that gas will dominate the energy supply for the next decade or two and that the cheapest, least polluting option is pipeline gas—not LNG. Analysis from Wood Mackenzie confirms this hierarchy. Pipeline gas from modern Norwegian platforms has the lowest carbon intensity, followed by UK North Sea pipelines. By contrast, LNG adds significant emissions during liquefaction and regasification, and US LNG is the most carbon‑intensive because much of it originates from shale gas with higher methane leakage. Wood Mackenzie’s import forecasts to 2045 paint a stark picture: if domestic production wanes, the UK could rely on US LNG for over 60% of its total gas supply by 2035. The firm notes that Middle‑East gas is geared toward Asian markets, while US cargoes are increasingly directed to Europe, raising concerns about over‑reliance on a single supplier. These projections underpin the argument for expanding UK North Sea extraction. More domestic drilling would reduce dependence on US LNG—a geopolitical risk given the United States’ tendency to use energy as a foreign‑policy lever—and would also lower the overall carbon footprint of the gas supply chain. Critics often claim that North Sea output is exported, so it does not improve national security. Two counter‑points are clear: first, gas delivered directly via pipeline to the UK network is inherently more secure than trans‑Atlantic cargoes; second, the UK could negotiate long‑term, fixed‑price contracts with producers, a model that worked well in the early days of North Sea development. None of this diminishes the importance of renewables and nuclear power. Electrification remains the long‑term goal, but gas will stay in the energy basket for years to come. Offshore Energies UK estimates that, with a pragmatic licensing approach, reliance on LNG could be limited to 6% of total gas supplies by 2035. Assuming political stalemate eases, the pending approval of the Jackdaw field—accounting for roughly 6% of current domestic production—could spark a more nuanced debate about the UK’s gas procurement strategy, moving beyond the simplistic “renewables vs. gas” narrative. Reflecting on the recent Iran‑UK conflict, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak highlighted the need for “secure, homegrown energy”. The logical follow‑up is twofold: accelerate electrification to cut gas demand, and while gas remains essential, avoid turning the UK into an “energy prisoner of the US”. Beyond the geopolitical and environmental benefits, expanding North Sea output would also support jobs, tax revenue, and the balance of payments.

The United States military has begun a mine clearance operation in the Strait of Hormuz, a vital waterway for global oil and gas supplies, in response to Iran's alleged laying of sea mines. The operation, led by guided missile destroyers USS Frank E Peterson and USS Michael Murphy, aims to establish a 'safe pathway' for the free flow of global commerce.Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) recently released a map of the Strait of Hormuz showing a safe route for ships to follow through the strait, directing vessels farther north towards the Iranian coast and away from the traditional route closer to the coast of Oman. The IRGC stated that all vessels must use the new map for navigation due to 'the likelihood of the presence of various types of anti-ship mines in the main traffic zone.'The stakes are high, with one-fifth of the world's oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies having been shipped through the Strait of Hormuz before the war. Even a single mine can compel operators to assume a wider threat, effectively invalidating insurance and shutting down their use of the waterway.Iran's stockpile is estimated to number 2,000 to 6,000 mines, a significant portion of which are produced domestically. These mines generally fall into three categories: contact mines, bottom (influence) mines, and 'smart' and rocket mines.The US Navy is facing a 'mine gap,' with experts calling for institutional neglect that led to the retirement of dedicated mine countermeasures (MCM) assets. The current US strategy relies on small combat ships built for coastal operations and fitted with MCM mission modules, but only one of these vessels, the USS Canberra, is currently available in the region.

The United States, led by President Donald Trump, has announced its intention to blockade the Strait of Hormuz, a vital chokepoint for global energy supplies, in a significant escalation of tensions with Iran. This move comes after talks between Washington and Tehran in Islamabad failed to yield an agreement.In a social media post, Trump stated that the US Navy would begin the process of blockading any and all ships attempting to enter or leave the Strait of Hormuz. The blockade, which commenced at 10am Washington, DC, time (14:00 GMT) on Monday, has sparked concerns about the status of the two-week ceasefire between the US and Iran announced last week.Analysts view Trump’s threat as a substantial escalation in the war on Iran. Chris Featherstone, a political scientist at the University of York, noted that Trump is using the blockade as a tool in negotiations with Iran, aiming to pressure the country to comply with US goals.The blockade could have far-reaching implications for global energy markets, as the Strait of Hormuz is a critical passage for 20 percent of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies. Iran has allowed ships from certain countries to pass through the strait during the conflict, but a blockade could disrupt these supplies.Jason Chuah, professor of maritime law at City St George’s, University of London, described the US actions as “sanctions with warships doing the bidding of President Trump,” rather than a classic blockade. He raised concerns about the legality of such actions under international maritime law, noting that the US is not a party to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.The international community remains divided on the issue, with the United Kingdom stating it will not support the blockade and China urging calm. The blockade’s impact on Iranian mines in the strait and shipping operations remains uncertain, with potential consequences for global energy security and the economy.

The United States military confirmed that, beginning at 10 a.m. Eastern Time (14:00 GMT) on April 13, all maritime traffic entering or leaving Iranian ports will be blocked. The directive, issued by U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM), targets vessels of every nation operating in the Gulf and the Gulf of Oman, but explicitly excludes ships merely transiting the Strait of Hormuz to non‑Iranian ports, marking a narrower scope than former President Donald Trump’s broader strait‑wide threat. This decisive action follows the abrupt end of marathon peace talks in Islamabad, where negotiators failed to secure a memorandum of understanding with Tehran. The stalemate has revived fears of renewed hostilities, prompting the U.S. to leverage maritime pressure as a bargaining chip. Financial markets reacted sharply: U.S. crude oil prices surged 8 % to $104.24 per barrel, while the benchmark Brent crude rose 7 % to $102.29. The spikes reflect investor anxiety over potential disruptions to the flow of oil and liquefied natural gas that currently passes through the Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint responsible for roughly one‑fifth of global energy shipments. Since the February 28 launch of a joint U.S.–Israel operation against Iran, the strait’s traffic has dwindled to a trickle. Iran continues to navigate its own vessels and has allowed limited passage for foreign ships, while discussing a post‑conflict toll system for the waterway. In response to the blockade threat, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps warned that any U.S. warship attempting to enforce the measure would breach the existing U.S.–Iran ceasefire—set to expire on April 22—and would be "dealt with severely." Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi blamed the United States for the diplomatic failure, accusing U.S. negotiators of "shifting the goalposts" when a deal was "just inches away." Academic commentary echoed regional concerns. Zohreh Kharazmi, an associate professor at the University of Tehran, asserted that the United States "is not in a position to dictate" Iranian maritime movements and warned that a prolonged standoff would quickly reveal which side—"the resilience of the Islamic Republic or the resilience of global markets"—would suffer first. While the blockade targets Iranian ports, CENTCOM emphasized that it will not impede freedom of navigation for vessels merely passing through the Strait of Hormuz, a subtle but significant concession aimed at avoiding a full‑scale maritime confrontation.

President Donald Trump declared that the U.S. Navy will commence a blockade of the Strait of Hormuz immediately after peace talks between Washington and Tehran in Pakistan ended without an agreement. In a social‑media post, Trump labeled Iran’s actions as “extortion” and warned that American warships would hunt down and interdict any ship that has paid Iran a toll to traverse the waterway, while also beginning mine‑clearing operations. Iran’s Revolutionary Guard responded that civilian vessels may still cross the strait under “specific regulations,” but any military craft attempting entry would be deemed a breach of the cease‑fire and would be “dealt with severely.” Since the February 28 war launched by the United States and Israel, Iran has effectively taken control of the strategic chokepoint, a route that carries about 20% of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas shipments. Traffic has now dwindled to a trickle, sending shockwaves through the global economy and raising alarm among Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states. Al Jazeera correspondents noted that the rhetoric from the White House has amplified “alarm bells” across the GCC, where leaders had hoped the two‑week ceasefire would evolve into a longer‑term peace framework. Oman’s foreign minister, Badr Albusaidi, urged on social media that the ceasefire be extended and that all parties make “painful concessions” to avoid a return to war. Trump’s statements also included a stark threat: any Iranian forces that fire on U.S. or “peaceful” vessels would be “blown to hell.” He claimed the blockade would involve “other countries” and that the United Kingdom, along with “a couple of other nations,” were dispatching minesweeper vessels to assist – a claim the British government has not confirmed. Domestic criticism emerged quickly. Democratic Senator Mark Warner told CNN he “doesn’t see how blockading the strait will compel Iran to open it,” questioning the strategic logic behind the move. Iran denied U.S. allegations that two of its warships had recently passed through the strait for mine‑clearing, warning that any military vessel attempting such a passage would meet a “strong response.” Tehran officials have floated the idea of instituting a post‑conflict toll system for vessels using the waterway, a prospect that could further entrench Iran’s leverage over global energy flows. Analysts warn that heightened tensions in the Hormuz corridor could push oil prices higher, amplifying inflationary pressures worldwide. As the situation unfolds, mediators continue to press both sides to resume diplomatic talks and avoid a broader escalation.

JD Vance, the United States vice‑president, issued a stark warning to Tehran as he boarded Air Force Two for Pakistan: Iran must not attempt to "play" the United States at the peace talks scheduled for Saturday in Islamabad. The talks, mediated by Pakistan, could determine whether the fragile ceasefire in the region holds or if hostilities resume, with significant repercussions for the global economy, especially oil markets. Iranian parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and foreign minister Abbas Araghchi have conditioned their participation on two unmet measures: a full ceasefire in Lebanon and the release of Iran’s blocked assets. Ghalibaf posted on X that "Two of the measures mutually agreed upon between the parties have yet to be implemented." Uncertainty lingered on Friday night about whether the Iranian delegation would even travel to Islamabad. Earlier reports indicated that Israel had removed the Iranian officials from its bombing target list at Washington’s request. Meanwhile, Donald Trump amplified the tension, telling the New York Post that U.S. forces were "loading up the ships with the best ammunition" and would use them if negotiations failed. He later posted that Iran "has no cards" except short‑term extortion of international waterways. The backdrop to the talks is a worsening Lebanon‑Israel confrontation. More than 300 Lebanese civilians have been killed since the ceasefire began, and 13 Lebanese security personnel died in an Israeli strike on a government building in Nabatieh. Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu dispute whether the April 7 ceasefire between the U.S. and Iran includes Lebanon, and Israel continues bombing Hezbollah‑linked targets despite Netanyahu’s earlier statements about opening negotiations with the Lebanese government. Oil markets have felt the shock. The February 28 U.S.–Israeli strike on Iran and Tehran’s subsequent closure of the Strait of Hormuz—shutting off roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas—triggered a sharp price spike, adding political pressure ahead of the November U.S. congressional elections. Vance, however, expressed optimism as he departed for Islamabad: "We’re looking forward to the negotiation. I think it’s going to be positive. If the Iranians are willing to negotiate in good faith, we’re certainly willing to extend the open hand." He added, "If they’re going to try and play us, then they’ll find the negotiating team is not that receptive." The U.S. delegation also includes senior adviser Steve Witkoff and former senior adviser Jared Kushner, both of whom participated in earlier talks on Iran’s nuclear and missile programmes before the February attack. Negotiations are expected to focus on reopening the Strait of Hormuz, the future of Iran’s nuclear program, potential sanctions relief, reparations for war damage, and the release of Americans detained in Iran, according to the Washington Post. Advance teams from the United States and Iran have already taken up rooms at Islamabad’s five‑star Serena hotel, with Pakistani officials acting as intermediaries. Security forces have established a two‑mile perimeter around the hotel, declared a public holiday, and locked down the city centre to ensure a safe environment for the high‑stakes mediation. Hezbollah, while not commenting directly on the Lebanese‑Israeli negotiations, issued a statement urging the Lebanese government to stop "making gratuitous concessions" and vowed to continue fighting to "expel the occupier." The Lebanese army has reinforced its presence in Beirut following an Israeli strike that killed at least 303 people. Fighting persists in southern Lebanon, with Hezbollah claiming to have struck Israeli soldiers near Bint Jbeil—a town symbolic of resistance from the 2006 war—and launching rockets into Israel throughout Friday. Israel’s airstrikes across Lebanon have intensified, culminating in the Nabatieh attack that killed the highest number of Lebanese security forces to date.