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Saudi Arabia has withdrawn its bid to host the 2035 Rugby World Cup as a result of the Public Investment Fund's (PIF) new financial strategy, prioritizing projects with potential returns. The country's sports minister, Prince Abdulaziz bin Turki al-Faisal, had expressed interest in bidding for the tournament last year, but no expression of interest was submitted to World Rugby.The PIF's 'value realization' phase of its Vision 2030 economic plan, published recently, has led to the decision to put rugby aspirations on hold. This shift in focus will impact various projects, including LIV Golf, which will see its funding withdrawn next year.While Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries, such as Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, had considered a joint bid, it has not materialized. World Rugby's bidding process is ongoing, with countries like Argentina, Japan, and Spain having submitted initial expressions of interest.The decision to step away from the Rugby World Cup bid was made before the conflict in Iran began, and the PIF governor, Yasir al-Rumayyan, confirmed that all spending projects are being reviewed. The PIF will continue to invest in sports but will focus on domestic projects, such as infrastructure related to the 2034 football World Cup and the Formula One track near Riyadh.

Great Britain is on the verge of a record‑breaking summer of wind and solar generation, creating the possibility of the first zero‑carbon electricity periods in the nation’s power system.The government’s ambition to achieve a 95% gas‑free grid by 2030 underpins this push, as electrified transport, heat pumps and low‑carbon industry will need a clean power supply to meet climate targets.National Grid ESO (Neso) forecasts that on sunny weekend afternoons the grid could have more renewable power than demand, leaving excess capacity that would otherwise be wasted.To turn surplus into savings, Neso is urging households and businesses to shift flexible loads—such as charging electric vehicles, running dishwashers or doing laundry—to those high‑renewable windows.Leading suppliers Octopus Energy and British Gas have confirmed participation, offering special tariffs that reward consumers for using electricity when it is abundant.British Gas’s “PeakSave” scheme, for example, provides half‑price electricity from 11 am to 4 pm on Sundays, with an even cheaper “Super Sunday” option from 9 am to 5 pm. The company says the tariff has saved over £45 million for more than 1 million customers since its 2023 launch. Octopus Energy reports helping 2 million households save about £11 million, including £3 million in free electricity during periods of high renewable output.Other providers—including Ovo Energy and EDF Energy—offer similar “time‑of‑use” tariffs that charge higher rates when renewables are scarce, giving price‑sensitive users a clear incentive to shift consumption.Beyond bill reductions, flexible demand curtails the need for “constraint payments” to wind and solar farms—payments that reached almost £1.5 billion last year. By encouraging consumers to “turn up” rather than forcing generators to “turn down,” the grid can avoid these costly curtailments.Businesses are also joining the flexibility movement. Tech firms report that adaptable energy use can cut datacenter grid costs by up to 5% and slash emissions by as much as 40%. Danish engineering group Danfoss estimates that if datacentres operated flexibly for just 1% of the time, the pipeline of new facilities expected by 2035 could be accommodated without overloading the grid.In short, leveraging surplus renewable power now—through smart tariffs and demand‑shifting—offers a cheaper, faster alternative to massive storage or grid‑upgrade projects, while delivering tangible savings for consumers and a decisive step toward a low‑carbon British electricity system.

The recent conflict in the Gulf has served as a harsh wake-up call for the British public regarding the state of the UK's armed forces. While air defence systems and fighter jets were swiftly deployed, the delayed arrival of a single destroyer, HMS Dragon, to Cyprus underscored concerns about Britain's military preparedness. Former Nato secretary general George Robertson criticised Keir Starmer for showing a 'corrosive complacency towards defence', warning that this put the UK in peril. In response, ministers pointed to 'decades of underinvestment' by previous governments and announced plans for the largest sustained increase in defence spending since the Cold War. The Ministry of Defence aims to spend 3.5% of GDP on defence by 2035. However, defence analysts argue that the UK's military has suffered from a 'lethal combination' of Treasury hostility to defence spending and the Ministry of Defence prioritising investment in ships and aircraft over the army. The British army has shrunk significantly since 1991, from 155,000 troops to 75,000 troops, with a reduction in armoured and infantry brigades. Defence experts, such as Ben Barry of the International Institute for Strategic Studies, blame this decline on inadequate resource allocation. Matthew Savill, director of military sciences at the Royal United Services Institute, notes that the UK has a decent spread of reasonably modern capabilities but faces several problems, including a lack of mass and reliance on allies. 'We've cut a lot of corners and in many cases we rely on our allies. That means we're particularly reliant on the US and others in certain areas and it can come back to bite,' Savill added. Britain's commitment to increase defence spending to 2.5% of GDP from April 2027 is more ambitious than France's, but experts suggest that the UK can learn from France's approach. The UK's plans have been influenced by Poland's military transformation, which has seen defence spending rise to 4.8% of GDP, the highest among Nato countries.

National Gas announced that the United Kingdom will have enough gas to satisfy summer demand despite recent tensions in the Strait of Hormuz. The network, which runs the country’s gas pipelines, says domestic and Norwegian supplies will cover the low‑usage months, meaning liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports will be minimal this summer. The real challenge lies ahead. While renewable rollout is accelerating, gas will remain a core part of the UK’s energy mix for at least the next two decades. It accounts for about 37% of total gas consumption in 2024, with domestic heating being the largest single use. Replacing millions of boilers with heat pumps cannot happen quickly, especially given the current sluggish pace. Government plans for 2030 still require the full 35 GW of gas‑fired generation capacity to stay online as backup. Energy department data released in early 2025 showed gas demand “broadly stable” for the third consecutive year, representing roughly half of the nation’s 75.2% fossil‑fuel dependency. In the debate over new North Sea drilling licences, the key question is where future gas will come from. Oxford energy economist Sir Dieter Helm, speaking on a Chatham House podcast, warned that gas will dominate the energy supply for the next decade or two and that the cheapest, least polluting option is pipeline gas—not LNG. Analysis from Wood Mackenzie confirms this hierarchy. Pipeline gas from modern Norwegian platforms has the lowest carbon intensity, followed by UK North Sea pipelines. By contrast, LNG adds significant emissions during liquefaction and regasification, and US LNG is the most carbon‑intensive because much of it originates from shale gas with higher methane leakage. Wood Mackenzie’s import forecasts to 2045 paint a stark picture: if domestic production wanes, the UK could rely on US LNG for over 60% of its total gas supply by 2035. The firm notes that Middle‑East gas is geared toward Asian markets, while US cargoes are increasingly directed to Europe, raising concerns about over‑reliance on a single supplier. These projections underpin the argument for expanding UK North Sea extraction. More domestic drilling would reduce dependence on US LNG—a geopolitical risk given the United States’ tendency to use energy as a foreign‑policy lever—and would also lower the overall carbon footprint of the gas supply chain. Critics often claim that North Sea output is exported, so it does not improve national security. Two counter‑points are clear: first, gas delivered directly via pipeline to the UK network is inherently more secure than trans‑Atlantic cargoes; second, the UK could negotiate long‑term, fixed‑price contracts with producers, a model that worked well in the early days of North Sea development. None of this diminishes the importance of renewables and nuclear power. Electrification remains the long‑term goal, but gas will stay in the energy basket for years to come. Offshore Energies UK estimates that, with a pragmatic licensing approach, reliance on LNG could be limited to 6% of total gas supplies by 2035. Assuming political stalemate eases, the pending approval of the Jackdaw field—accounting for roughly 6% of current domestic production—could spark a more nuanced debate about the UK’s gas procurement strategy, moving beyond the simplistic “renewables vs. gas” narrative. Reflecting on the recent Iran‑UK conflict, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak highlighted the need for “secure, homegrown energy”. The logical follow‑up is twofold: accelerate electrification to cut gas demand, and while gas remains essential, avoid turning the UK into an “energy prisoner of the US”. Beyond the geopolitical and environmental benefits, expanding North Sea output would also support jobs, tax revenue, and the balance of payments.

Peter Magyar, the leader of the Tisza party, announced a comprehensive reform agenda hours after his coalition was declared the winner of Hungary’s parliamentary election, ending Viktor Orban’s 16‑year rule. He emphasized that his government will work to restore the rule of law, plural democracy and a system of checks and balances that he says were eroded under the previous administration.At a news conference, Magyar detailed plans for a new anti‑corruption office and a separate body to oversee government spending, aiming to curb the graft that plagued the former regime. He also announced a constitutional amendment that will limit future prime ministers to two terms, a direct response to Orban’s repeated changes to the constitution designed to extend his hold on power.Regarding foreign policy, Magyar pledged that Hungary will remain a committed member of both the EU and NATO, describing these alliances as essential guarantees of peace. He vowed to phase out dependence on Russian oil and gas by 2035 and to pursue a cooperative, rather than confrontational, dialogue with Brussels.The new government is expected to unlock roughly €18 billion in EU funding, and Magyar highlighted that the parliamentary shift could also release a €90‑billion loan package for Ukraine that Orban had blocked a month earlier.Magyar’s position on Ukraine is nuanced. He called the country “the victim in the war” and said he would press President Vladimir Putin to end hostilities, yet he maintained that “fast‑tracking Ukraine’s EU accession is completely out of the question while the war continues.” He added that the restoration of ethnic Hungarian minority rights in Ukraine would be a precondition for deeper ties.On trans‑Atlantic relations, Magyar affirmed that the United States remains “a very important partner” and expressed a desire for “good relations” with the Trump administration, noting the recent visit of U.S. Vice President JD Vance to Budapest.Domestically, Magyar called on President Tamas Sulyok to expedite the transfer of power and urged the president to resign, reminding readers that the president must convene a new parliament within 30 days, after which lawmakers will elect the new prime minister.

Peter Magyar, once a staunch supporter of Prime Minister Viktor Orban, has shattered the latter’s 16‑year grip on power after his Tisza Party won a landslide victory in Sunday’s parliamentary election. With 97.35% of precincts counted, the centre‑right Tisza Party secured 138 of the 199 parliamentary seats and 53.6% of the popular vote. By contrast, Orban’s Christian‑nationalist Fidesz obtained 55 seats with 37.8% of the vote, according to official tallies. Addressing a crowd of tens of thousands along the Danube in Budapest, the 45‑year‑old victor declared, “Tonight, truth prevailed over lies,” adding that Hungarians had chosen to ask what they could do for their homeland rather than the reverse. Who is Peter Magyar? Born in Budapest in March 1981 to a family of lawyers, he is the great‑nephew of former President Ferenc Madl (2000‑2005). After earning a law degree from Pázmány Péter Catholic University in 2004, Magyar began a career in corporate law and joined Orban’s Fidesz while the party was still in opposition. He later served as a legal aide to Fidesz during the 2006 anti‑government protests, married future justice minister Judit Varga (they have three children), and held several senior posts after Fidesz returned to power in 2010, including a stint at Hungary’s Permanent Representation to the EU in Brussels and a board seat at state‑owned road operator Magyar Közút ZRT. Why did he break with Orban? A 2024 scandal involving a presidential pardon for a man linked to a children’s‑home abuse cover‑up implicated Varga, then justice minister, prompting public outrage and Novak’s resignation. Magyar seized the moment, publishing a Facebook post accusing the government of corruption and releasing a recording of a conversation with his ex‑wife that suggested interference in a corruption case. Policy analyst Gábor Győri of Policy Solutions described Magyar’s departure as a “gradual estrangement” that accelerated after Varga’s fall from power. The exposure boosted Magyar’s domestic popularity, positioning him as a fresh opposition figure amid widespread voter fatigue with Fidesz. In April 2024, Magyar joined the centre‑right Tisza Party, won a seat in the European Parliament, and now stands poised to become Hungary’s next prime minister. Political analyst Zsuzsanna Vegh (German Marshall Fund) noted that Magyar’s win “dispels the myth that Orban cannot be defeated,” emphasizing his ability to unite a diverse electorate through a moderate, policy‑focused campaign rather than a radical right‑wing challenge. Scandals surrounding Magyar have also surfaced. His former wife Varga accused him of domestic violence and of using a secret recording for political gain. Earlier in 2026, Magyar faced allegations of a sex‑related scandal and drug use after compromising photos emerged; he denied drug use, describing the episode as a “honey‑trap” orchestrated by a “classic Russia‑style compromising situation.” He further claimed that Fidesz targeted him personally to undermine his campaign. On policy, Magyar pledges to revive Hungary’s stagnant economy, reduce dependence on Russian energy by 2035, and restore pragmatic relations with both the EU and Moscow. He aims to unlock EU funds frozen over alleged rule‑of‑law breaches and has previously expressed caution about accelerating Ukraine’s EU accession. Observers caution that while Magyar’s election fuels hope among young Hungarians, the real test will be translating opposition momentum into effective governance. As Izabella Nagy, a Budapest professional, observes, “Rebuilding a democracy is far more gruelling than dismantling one,” underscoring the challenges ahead for the new administration.

The ongoing global finance talks between the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank Group (WBG) have taken a contentious turn. Governments are being urged not to mention climate change, despite its growing impacts and the pressing need for climate finance.The climate crisis has significant implications for developing countries, which are already paying billions to repair damage from droughts, floods, and storms. The World Bank Group aims to devote 35% of its funding to climate-related activities, but US pressure may hinder these efforts.US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has demanded the removal of some climate finance targets from the World Bank's aims, insisting on an 'all-of-the-above approach to energy' that includes financing for gas, oil, and coal. This move has sparked alarm among other countries, including large developed economies.Experts warn that sidelining climate change discussions would be disastrous for the developing world. Mohamed Adow, director of the Power Shift Africa thinktank, described the situation as 'beyond absurd', emphasizing that fossil fuels and the climate emergency are inextricably linked.The World Bank is the biggest single source of climate funding, and many donor countries channel their climate finance largely through the multilateral development banks. At the Cop29 UN climate summit in Azerbaijan in 2024, countries agreed that at least $1.3tn a year should flow to the developing world by 2035 to help countries cut greenhouse gas emissions and cope with the impacts of extreme weather.Lord Stern, a former World Bank chief economist, suggested that much could still be achieved without formally labelling projects as climate-related, emphasizing that investing in low-carbon infrastructure and energy systems is crucial for sustainable development.

Oppdal, a mountain village in central Norway, hosted its first interspecies council on a snowy morning at the Bjerkeløkkja conference centre. Thirty‑eight local participants each represented a different species – from a northern bat to a birch tree – and voiced the needs of the natural world in a structured decision‑making process.The council draws on the legacy of the Council of All Beings, a practice created in the 1980s by environmentalists John Seed and Joanna Macy. Phoebe Tickell, a scientist and “moral imagination” activist mentored by Macy, adapted the ritual into a governance methodology that expands representation beyond humans.Facilitators first identified the multispecies stakeholders in the region, then briefed human representatives – chosen either randomly or for expertise – on the perspectives they would embody. The session concluded with a manifesto of principles for human governance and an impact‑evaluation plan to track participants’ connection to nature six months later.Oppdal’s mayor, Elisabeth Hals, noted that the village’s population swells from 5,000 to over 30,000 in winter as tourists flock to private cabins (hytter). The municipality plans to add 1,000 new apartments by 2035 to promote year‑round tourism, a move that has sparked debate over land use, farming, and conservation.During the council, a birch “worried there’s too much of me,” while a rockfoil flower urged humans to “slow down and listen to where nature can tolerate more activity.” The River Driva lamented being treated as a mere resource, and a fox enthusiastically pointed at a wader, highlighting the emotional range the exercise seeks to capture.Proponents argue that such empathy‑building exercises are crucial as wildlife populations have fallen by roughly 70 % over the past 50 years. Tickell contends that “imperfect representation beats exclusion” and envisions interspecies councils becoming as routine as environmental impact assessments.Across the UK, 13 councils have recognised river rights since 2023, and a coalition of artists, ecologists, lawyers and policymakers is exploring similar biodiversity governance around the North Sea. In London, multispecies assemblies have already informed stewardship of the River Roding and land‑use consultations.Oppdal’s experiment aims to create “institutional trace” – genuine decision‑making power backed by robust methodology and longitudinal research – rather than a tokenistic green‑washing exercise. If successful, the model could be replicated internationally, giving non‑human nature a formal seat at the policy table.

At a Wednesday briefing, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt framed the ongoing US‑Israel war against Iran as a "test" that NATO failed, hinting that President Donald Trump is weighing a possible withdrawal from the alliance. She quoted the president saying the partnership had turned its back on the American people over the past six weeks. Shortly thereafter, Trump met with NATO Secretary‑General Mark Rutte at the White House. Both described the discussion as "frank and open," with Rutte acknowledging logistical support and base access from allies, but noting the absence of direct military contributions. During a CNN interview, host Jake Tapper asked Rutte whether the president intended to pull the United States out of NATO or at least reduce its backing. Rutte admitted there was disappointment, yet emphasized he had listened carefully to Trump’s arguments and praised the president’s leadership. Since assuming office in 2025, Trump has intensified pressure on NATO members to raise defence spending. At the 2025 NATO summit, members agreed to a non‑binding target of 5 % of GDP by 2035. Spain’s request for an exemption sparked a year‑long public denouncement by Trump. Earlier, Trump threatened to seize the Danish territory of Greenland, claiming its strategic value, though the United States has since softened that stance. Nevertheless, he continues to argue that US control of Greenland is essential, despite opposition from local residents and European leaders. The Wall Street Journal reported that the administration is evaluating the closure of U.S. bases or the redeployment of troops from countries such as Spain and Germany as retaliation for their limited engagement in the Iran conflict. When pressed about a potential NATO exit, Leavitt confirmed that the president "has discussed" the option and may address it after his meeting with Rutte. The president’s relationship with Rutte remains close; the Dutch leader has visited the White House multiple times during Trump’s second term. Rutte warned that NATO "will not work" without U.S. support, underscoring the strategic stakes of any American pull‑back. The unfolding debate highlights a deepening rift between Washington and its European partners at a time when the broader geopolitical landscape is already destabilised by the Iran war.