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Arsenal’s loss to Manchester City in the Carabao Cup final has haunted manager Mikel Arteta ever since the 2‑0 defeat at Wembley, where Nico O’Reilly scored both goals to crush the Gunners’ quadruple hopes.Artura described the aftermath as “a ball of poison in my stomach”, saying the feeling could linger for “the next 30 years” unless he channels it into improvement.He emphasized that the pain must be converted into motivation to secure silverware before the season ends, insisting the sting of the loss will remain a driving force for weeks, months and years to come.In the wake of the final, Arteta faced criticism for keeping Kepa Arrizabalaga in goal despite the keeper’s error that led to the first goal. The manager defended his choice, stating, “I never judge a player solely on an error; attitude and behaviour matter 100%.” He added that Arrizabalaga’s experience makes him ready for the upcoming FA Cup sixth‑round clash with Southampton.Artura also hinted at his selection criteria for the Southampton match, joking that the goalkeeper would be “European, under 32, right‑footed and speaks at least two languages.” While David Raya started the Carabao Cup final, the Spaniard is expected to feature again in the FA Cup run.Regarding squad availability, Arteta confirmed that Declan Rice is operating at only 70% fitness, a condition that has persisted for some time, and noted that Piero Hincapié and Noni Madueke will miss the Southampton game. He left open the possibility that Martin Ødegaard and Jurrien Timber could feature.Addressing criticism over the number of international withdrawals, Artura said, “It’s part of the narrative, but we’ve dealt with similar situations before; we’ll see who is available tomorrow and adjust accordingly.”

Microsoft AI is aggressively expanding its internal capabilities with the release of three new foundational models, marking a significant step in its strategy to compete directly with OpenAI and Google. The new suite, developed by the MAI Superintelligence team, includes tools for transcription, voice generation, and video creation, all centered around a 'Humanist AI' philosophy. The Trinity of Multimodal Models: MAI-Transcribe, Voice, and Image The announcement details three distinct models designed to handle different aspects of human-machine interaction: MAI-Transcribe-1: A high-speed speech-to-text tool that supports 25 different languages. It is reported to be 2.5 times faster than Microsoft's previous Azure Fast offering. MAI-Voice-1: An advanced audio-generating model capable of producing 60 seconds of audio in just one second. It allows users to create custom voices, enhancing personalization. MAI-Image-2: A video-generating model that was originally tested on MAI Playground and is now being rolled out to a wider audience via Microsoft Foundry. Pricing Strategy: Undercutting the Giants Microsoft is leveraging cost as a primary differentiator in a crowded market. The company’s blog post highlights that these models are significantly cheaper than those offered by Google and OpenAI. MAI-Transcribe-1: Starts at $0.36 per hour. MAI-Voice-1: Costs $22 per 1 million characters. MAI-Image-2: Pricing is set at $5 per 1 million tokens for text input and $33 per 1 million tokens for image output. The Humanist AI Philosophy and Suleyman's Strategy Leading the MAI Superintelligence team is CEO Mustafa Suleyman, who emphasized a distinct approach to model development. The strategy focuses on 'Humanist AI,' prioritizing human-centric communication and practical utility over raw performance metrics. Suleyman wrote in a blog post that the models are optimized for how people actually communicate. Outlook: A Dual-Track AI Strategy Despite releasing its own proprietary models, Suleyman reaffirmed Microsoft's commitment to its partnership with OpenAI. He noted that recent renegotiations of the partnership have granted Microsoft the autonomy to pursue this superintelligence research. This suggests a dual-track strategy where Microsoft both invests billions in OpenAI and builds its own stack to ensure competitive pricing and redundancy in the market.

The United Nations‑backed Gang Suppression Force (GSF) announced on Wednesday that its first foreign troops have landed in Haiti, signalling a new phase in the international effort to tame the country’s spiralling gang warfare.An advance team of soldiers from Chad arrived in Port‑au‑Prince, accompanied by Jack Christofides, a South African UN official appointed to lead the mission’s operations on the ground.The deployment is the initial step of a force slated to expand to 5,500 personnel with a 12‑month mandate. The GSF was authorized by the UN Security Council last September as a replacement for the earlier Kenyan‑led multinational security mission, which has struggled with funding shortfalls, insufficient manpower and limited institutional backing.Unlike its predecessor, which was limited to supporting Haitian police, the new force will have the authority to make arrests and conduct direct operations against groups designated as gangs. The concept was first put forward by the United States and Panama to “neutralise, isolate and deter” criminal networks.During the Security Council vote, twelve members voted in favour of the force, while China, Russia and Pakistan abstained. Russia’s representative, Vassily Nebenzia, criticised the plan as “rushed” and warned that its broad language could enable abuses, noting that the mandate permits the use of force against anyone labelled a gang.Haiti’s recent history of foreign intervention adds a layer of sensitivity to the deployment. Past UN peacekeeping missions have been linked to a cholera outbreak that claimed roughly 10,000 lives after the 2010 earthquake, and UN personnel have faced accusations of sexual assault in earlier decades.Gang control has tightened dramatically since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse. Analysts estimate that up to 90 % of Port‑au‑Prince is now under gang influence, with around 26 criminal groups operating in the capital. The UN estimates that at least 16,000 people have been killed since 2022 and that more than 1.5 million have been displaced, many facing food insecurity. A recent human‑rights report recorded 5,519 gang‑related deaths and 2,608 injuries between March 2025 and mid‑January 2026, alongside reports of extrajudicial killings and sexual violence.The arrival of the GSF coincides with Haiti’s tentative steps toward a national election scheduled for August, where roughly 300 political parties and groups have registered. Acting Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils‑Aime has recently met with UN officials to discuss the new force’s role in stabilising the country ahead of the vote.

TikTok announced the removal of a high‑profile Israeli far‑right influencer’s account after The Guardian identified videos in which he assaulted left‑wing activists in the occupied West Bank. The platform said the content breached its community guidelines on hate speech and bullying. The influencer, identified as Roi Star, posted footage in January showing himself entering a house used by activists in Ras Ein al‑Auja and using pepper spray on a protester who tried to stop him. In the same clip, he shouted, “This is Judea, not Palestine,” and later threatened to disclose personal details of the activists and their families. When contacted, Star claimed he was “talking about peace” and argued that the area was an open Israeli public space, insisting that his use of pepper spray was the “most minimal” defensive measure. He later described the incident as “acting” and said his intentions were not “extreme.” TikTok’s statement emphasized that its policies prohibit “violent and hateful individuals, including extremist praise or glorification,” and that the account was taken down for breaching these rules. The company also said it had removed additional videos linked to other Israeli far‑right agitators, though it did not disclose further details. The incident occurs against a backdrop of rising far‑right activity on social platforms since the Gaza war began in October 2023. Israeli forces and settlers have been responsible for the deaths of over 1,000 Palestinians in the West Bank, and recent weeks have seen an escalation of attacks on homes and activists. Human‑rights groups warn that the online amplification of such content fuels real‑world violence. Yuli Novak, executive director of B’Tselem, said dehumanising Palestinians has become “mainstream in Israel,” while digital‑media scholar Prof. Anat Ben‑David highlighted the “troubling convergence between platform dynamics and on‑the‑ground violence.” Activists on the ground report a profound psychological impact, with one resident of Masafer Yatta noting that the videos heighten fear among Palestinians living under daily settler attacks. The phenomenon mirrors the rhetoric of Israel’s far‑right politicians. In August 2025, National Security Minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir faced criticism for posting a video taunting Palestinian leader Marwan Barghouti, while Knesset member Zvi Sukkot was filmed denying settler violence in the West Bank, framing the settlement enterprise as a biblical right. Meta’s Instagram continues to host numerous accounts linked to similar agitators, though the company has not responded to requests for comment. Experts argue that while platform policies technically forbid hate‑speech, their vague language allows harmful content to spread unchecked, underscoring the need for stronger enforcement to curb the digital propagation of extremist narratives.

The Unicorn Theatre's production of 'A Midsummer Night's Dream' is a playful and punchy adaptation of Shakespeare's romantic comedy, made accessible to a young audience. Co-directors Rachel Bagshaw and Robin Belfield have trimmed down the original language while incorporating slapstick comedy and playful captions.The production feels like the start of a brilliant venture, still finding its feet. The editing is smart, but could have been more radical. The framing story in Athens has been cut down but not excised, making it harder to understand.The magical elements are kept low-key and gently engaging, with Titania's fairies conjured up using childlike voiceovers, Holly Khan's delicate soundscape, and Will Monks' entrancing word projections. Joséphine-Fransilja Brookman's Puck is an impish schoolkid who climbs up balconies, jumps on tyre swings, and causes mischief.The standout star is Emmy Stonelake as Bottom, a natural comic and talented Shakespearean who raises big laughs without compromising the language. When Bottom is turned into a donkey, Stonelake cries out: “This is to make an ass of me!” and is met with big laughs and heavy sighs.The most lucid and enjoyable scenes are those with the rude mechanicals as they rehearse their (terrible) play. There's a whiff of the CBeebies panto to these encounters, with the actors dressed in neon costumes and delivering their gags with gusto. The hard-working ensemble jump from playing heartsick lovers to hammy actors with real aplomb.At the Unicorn theatre, London, until 10 May.

The usual visual language of hospital dramas relies on sterile whites and bright fluorescents. ‘What I’m Here For’ discards that palette entirely, immersing the audience in a world of black costumes and shadow‑filled set pieces.This daring aesthetic is the result of a collaboration between Vanishing Point of Glasgow and Teater Katapult from Aarhus, Denmark. Designer Mai Katsume outfits nurses, doctors and patients in deep black, arranging them in stark rows that dominate an ominously dark stage.At the centre stands Lærke Schjærff Engelbrecht as Flora, a nurse forced onto an extra weekend shift because of chronic short‑staffing. Even the flickering strip lights beneath her feet are cloaked in darkness, a visual choice amplified by Simon Wilkinson’s austere lighting design that drains the scene of any residual warmth, turning a hectic night ward into a gothic horror tableau.Written by Josephine Eusebius and performed in a blend of Danish and English, the script follows a familiar premise—too many patients, too few staff—but pushes it to a psychological extreme. Flora cheerfully repeats the hospital‑as‑hotel mantra while confronting impossible choices, such as whether to prioritize a pleasant woman with a brain tumour in room 22 or a demanding lady with a heart condition in room 33.The tension is heightened by Mark Melville’s pulse‑driven soundtrack, a low‑frequency thrum that underscores Flora’s isolation. As in many of director Matthew Lenton’s productions, the protagonist is both integral to and alienated from the medical team, a duality made palpable by her physical separation from the other actors and their disembodied commentary.Throughout the performance, Flora remains downstage, engaging in dream‑like exchanges with colleagues whose looming presence becomes as oppressive as the life‑and‑death decisions she must make. The staging forces the audience to feel the weight of each moral dilemma, turning routine triage into an almost tactile nightmare.‘What I’m Here For’ runs at the Tron in Glasgow until 4 April and will tour to other venues until 18 April.

Korean culture is taking Latin America by storm, with K-pop, K-dramas, and Korean skincare products leading the charge. In Santiago, Chile, a group of young girls can be seen dancing to the beat of Blackpink's 'How You Like That', a song with over 1.3 billion views on YouTube. The phenomenon, known as hallyu or the 'Korean wave', has been spreading rapidly across the region, with Mexico, Colombia, and Brazil being key markets. Online personalities like Sujin Kim, known as Chingu Amiga, have become incredibly popular, sharing their love of K-dramas and skincare products with millions of followers. In Colombia, K-pop fan Zion Hwang has set up a string of karaoke restaurants to capitalize on the trend, while in Brazil, Korean-Brazilian influencers like Arthur Paek are promoting Korean culture and cuisine to their millions of followers. The Korean wave has also led to an increase in interest in Korean language and culture, with universities offering Korean studies programs and language classes becoming increasingly popular. Dr. Jinok Choi, director of the Universidad Central's Rey Sejong Institute in Santiago, notes that young Chileans are showing a 'real commitment to learning about Korea beyond just its culture'. The growth of Korean culture in Latin America is also being driven by a decline in the US's international appeal, with some observers suggesting that the US's flagging popularity under Donald Trump has led to a shift in interest towards Asian culture. Brazil's health minister, Alexandre Padilha, notes that 'perhaps the US is no longer, in people's imagination, the place they want to go'. As the Korean wave continues to sweep across Latin America, it's clear that Korean culture is here to stay. With K-pop concerts and K-drama fan events becoming increasingly popular, it's likely that the trend will only continue to grow in the coming years.

Washington, D.C. – In a historic session, the United States Supreme Court examined the Trump administration’s bid to curtail the long‑standing practice of granting citizenship to anyone born on American soil. The hearing drew a sizable crowd of civil‑rights and immigration advocates who decried the proposal as unconstitutional. Lawyers representing the administration argued that the 14th Amendment has been misread for over a century and that citizenship should be limited to children of parents who are legally domiciled in the United States. They contended that the phrase “subject to the jurisdiction thereof” permits the exclusion of infants born to undocumented or temporary‑status parents. Opposing counsel from the ACLU and other groups countered that the amendment’s language, reinforced by the 1898 United States v. Wong Kim Ark decision and the 1952 Immigration and Nationality Act, unequivocally guarantees citizenship regardless of parental status. “The rule was enshrined in the 14th Amendment to keep it out of reach of any official who might try to destroy it,” ACLU attorney Cecillia Wang said. The proceedings were underscored by President Donald Trump’s unprecedented presence in the courtroom, making him the first sitting president to attend Supreme Court oral arguments. Trump left the hearing abruptly, later posting on Truth Social that the United States is “the only country in the world stupid enough to allow ‘birthright’ citizenship.” Protesters such as 21‑year‑old Luis Villaguzman of LULAC expressed personal stakes, noting that the policy would strip benefits from pregnant immigrant mothers and jeopardize their children’s future. “This hits close to home,” he said. Justices probed the administration’s claims, with Justice Kentanji Brown Jackson asking, “Who is domiciled?” while Justice Samuel Alito highlighted the repeated references to “domicile” in the Wong Kim Ark opinion. Justice Brett Kavanaugh questioned why Congress had not clarified the citizenship scope in the 1952 statute, and Justice Amy Coney Barrett warned of the logistical chaos the order could create. Legal scholars warned that the executive order could affect roughly 255,000 infants annually, according to a joint analysis by the Migration Policy Institute and Penn State’s Population Research Institute, potentially creating a “self‑perpetuating, multigenerational underclass.” Outside the court, immigration advocates emphasized the broader implications: the measure could disenfranchise hundreds of thousands of children, many of Latino heritage, and compound the administration’s aggressive deportation agenda. The Court has not set a date for a final ruling, but the hearing offered a glimpse into the judicial scrutiny the case will face as the nation watches a potential reshaping of a core constitutional right.

Recent commentary on the Iran school bombing rightly challenges the knee‑jerk tendency to blame artificial intelligence for the tragedy. The deeper issue, however, lies in the emerging linguistic habit of labeling incidents as "AI errors," which subtly removes the human actors from the narrative.When responsibility is shifted from people to systems, moral accountability becomes vague. Human designers, authorisers and operators remain the decision‑makers, even if the technology automates the final act. Concealing this fact is not a technical flaw; it is a civic failure that hampers accountability.Beyond accelerating warfare, AI is fostering a subtler shift: using automation as an alibi. If public discourse cannot pinpoint who acted, the public cannot hold anyone to account.Critics also note that the language used to describe rogue AI agents—terms like “connived,” “lied,” or “cheated”—anthropomorphises machines and further obscures responsibility. As Dr. Felicity Mellor of Imperial College London observes, such phrasing assigns moral agency to large language models instead of the people who deploy them.Consider a hypothetical where a company releases high‑speed vehicles without functional brakes. We would not say the cars "connived" to cause accidents; we would blame the company’s reckless leadership. Similarly, if uncontrolled AI ever harms civilians, we must be able to hold technology firms and the governments that endorse them accountable, which requires clear attribution of moral agency in our language.Anthony LawtonMarket Harborough, LeicestershireDr. Felicity MellorDirector, Science Communication Unit, Imperial College London