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Iranian drones have launched a series of attacks on Kuwait's oil infrastructure, resulting in severe material damage and posing a significant threat to oil supplies that are already strained due to the ongoing US-Israel war on Iran.The drone strikes, which took place on Sunday, happened just hours before members of the Opec+ group of major global oil suppliers convened to discuss strategies for increasing output, despite Iran's effective blockade of the Strait of Hormuz shipping route.The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps of Iran claimed responsibility for the attacks, stating that they had targeted petrochemical plants in Kuwait, as well as in the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain. The Kuwait Petroleum Corporation reported damage and fires at its subsidiaries, including at the Shuwaikh oil sector complex, which houses the oil ministry and KPC headquarters.The attacks on Kuwait's oil infrastructure are part of a broader escalation of tensions in the Middle East, with Iranian drones also reportedly striking an office complex for Kuwaiti government ministries and two power and water desalination plants.The conflict has led to the largest disruption to oil supplies in history, with the price of Brent crude surging more than 50% since the start of the year to a peak of $119.50 a barrel in March. It is currently trading at about $109 a barrel.The disruptions have had a significant impact on energy costs for consumers, with the average price of a litre of unleaded petrol in the UK reaching 154.45p on Sunday, and the average US fuel price passing $4 a gallon for the first time in four years.Opec+ members have agreed in principle to raise output by 206,000 barrels a day in May, but the agreement remains largely symbolic while Iran continues to block the Strait of Hormuz, a vital trade artery through which about 20% of the world's total crude oil passes.

When Corentin Roudaut arrived in Paris a decade ago, he swapped his student‑era bike for a car, daunted by the city’s traffic and lack of cyclist protection. After a protected lane opened on Boulevard Voltaire in the 11th arrondissement, he reclaimed his two‑wheel commute and now volunteers with the cycling advocacy group Paris en Selle, witnessing a city that has shed its car‑centric image.Roudaut notes that the shift “started slowly but really accelerated in the last ten years,” with a growing network of bike routes that is becoming safe and nearly complete in many districts.Mayor Anne Hidalgo’s 12‑year agenda reshaped Paris’s urban fabric. Since taking office in 2014, her administration planted 155,000 trees, created several hundred kilometres of segregated bike lanes, pedestrianised 300 school streets, and banned cars from the banks of the Seine. Former parking spaces have been turned into green plazas and café terraces, reducing the risk of children being hit while walking to school.As Hidalgo departs on Sunday, her legacy is touted as a blueprint for progressive European cities, especially as some national governments retreat from green initiatives.Nevertheless, the reforms have sparked pushback. Motorists object to the loss of road space, and recent referendums on higher parking charges for SUVs and further school‑street pedestrianisation suffered low voter turnouts. Right‑wing mayoral candidate Rachida Dati described the new public‑space regime as “anxiety‑inducing,” though she stopped short of promising a reversal.In a candid interview, Hidalgo described the Seine‑bank pedestrianisation as “a tough battle” that, once won, left residents reluctant to revert to car traffic. She highlighted a generation of children who have never known cars on those riverbanks, prompting awe‑filled reactions from visitors.Urban scholars attribute the rapid change to Paris’s tight administrative boundaries, which limit suburban influence on city transport decisions, and to groundwork laid by previous mayors. Yet they stress that political courage was essential to implement measures that inconvenienced drivers while delivering social and environmental benefits.Environmental epidemiologist Audrey de Nazelle of Imperial College London, a Paris native, praised the transformation as “fabulous” and warned that many cities lack the bravery to pursue similar legacies.A recent report placed Paris among 19 global cities that cut two major toxic air pollutants between 2010 and 2024. While Brussels and Warsaw saw faster declines in fine‑particle matter, London outpaced Paris in reducing nitrogen‑dioxide levels.By contrast, Berlin—despite opening a new inner‑city motorway and scrapping 30 km/h speed limits on key streets—still records a higher share of cyclists than Paris.Transport researcher Giulio Mattioli argues that Paris simply needed to add bike lanes to unlock latent demand, noting that the city started from a lower baseline but quickly caught up with peers.However, the transformation remains uneven. The extensive suburbs continue to be dominated by cars, hemmed in by the 35 km Boulevard Périphérique ring road. Analyst Jean‑Louis Missika of think‑tank Terra Nova stresses that “as long as this motorway encircles Paris, the Greater Paris metropolis will remain an administrative construct devoid of urban reality.” He calls for dismantling or repurposing the ring road to achieve a truly post‑car metropolis.

When President Donald Trump inaugurated Operation Epic Fury with Israel on 28 February, his administration outlined broad goals: neutralise Iran’s missile programme, cripple its navy and prevent a nuclear breakout. Within a month those objectives morphed, expanded and at times directly contradicted each other. On 29 March, aboard Air Force One, Trump told reporters that Iran had accepted most of Washington’s 15‑point demand list, conveyed through Pakistan, and even shipped oil to the United States as a goodwill gesture. In the same interview he floated the idea of seizing Kharg Island—the hub for 90 % of Iran’s oil exports—stating, “maybe we take Kharg Island, maybe we don’t. We have a lot of options.” The following day, 30 March, Trump posted on Truth Social that the United States was in “serious discussions with a new, more reasonable regime” in Tehran and claimed “great progress.” He simultaneously warned that, absent a swift deal, the U.S. would destroy Iran’s power plants, oil wells, Kharg Island and even its desalination facilities, and would force the Strait of Hormuz to reopen immediately. By 31 March, with U.S. gasoline prices climbing above $4 per gallon, Trump hinted at a rapid withdrawal, saying the U.S. would leave Iran “within two or three weeks.” He told European allies that if they needed oil or gas they could “go up through the Hormuz Strait” on their own, and rebuked the United Kingdom for not standing up for itself. On 1 April, Trump claimed on Truth Social that Iran’s new leadership had requested a U.S. cease‑fire, but only after the Hormuz Strait was “open, free, and clear.” He reiterated that the war was “not about oil,” yet threatened to blast Iran’s electric grid “back to the stone ages.” Iran’s foreign ministry dismissed the cease‑fire request as “false and baseless,” and the Revolutionary Guard warned the strait remained under its control. Following a U.S.–Israeli strike that demolished a bridge between Tehran and Karaj on 2 April, Trump posted that the next targets would be “bridges, then electric power plants,” signalling an escalation despite earlier talk of withdrawal. Finally, on 3 April, he suggested that reopening Hormuz and seizing Iranian oil could become a “gusher for the world,” a stark reversal of his earlier assertion that the conflict had nothing to do with oil. These rapid shifts illustrate a pattern of policy flip‑flopping that complicates diplomatic efforts, fuels market uncertainty, and raises questions about the strategic coherence of the U.S. approach to the Iran war.

AI‑Driven Power Race The AI boom is prompting the biggest wave of power‑infrastructure investment since the early days of cloud computing. Companies are scrambling to lock in natural‑gas supplies and build on‑site generators, a move that could reshape electricity markets in the southern United States. Scale of the Projects Microsoft is partnering with Chevron and Engine No. 1 to construct a natural‑gas plant in West Texas that could reach 5 GW of capacity. Google has confirmed a collaboration with Crusoe for a 933 MW plant in North Texas. Meta is adding seven more plants to its Hyperion data‑center complex in Louisiana, bringing total on‑site capacity to 7.46 GW—enough, the company notes, to power the entire state of South Dakota. Combined, these projects exceed 13 GW, roughly equivalent to the average electricity demand of a mid‑size U.S. state. Supply Constraints and Cost Pressures Wood Mackenzie warns that turbine prices have surged 195% versus 2019 levels. If a 2020 turbine cost $1 million, the same unit now costs about $2.95 million, inflating the equipment share of a plant’s budget from 20% to up to 30%. The consultancy also notes a six‑year lead time for turbine delivery, meaning new orders cannot be placed until 2028. This bottleneck could delay the rollout of additional capacity precisely when AI workloads are accelerating. Resource Availability and Market Risks The U.S. Geological Survey estimates that a single gas‑rich region holds enough supply to power the entire United States for 10 months. While abundant, production growth in the three leading shale basins—responsible for three‑quarters of U.S. output—has slowed, tightening the long‑term outlook. Natural gas accounts for about 40% of U.S. electricity generation (EIA). Consequently, any spike in gas prices reverberates through wholesale electricity markets, raising the cost of power for all consumers, not just data‑center operators. Strategic Risks for Tech Companies Behind‑the‑meter gas plants allow firms to claim “self‑supply,” but they merely shift demand from the public grid to the gas grid, potentially driving up wholesale gas prices. Industrial users—petrochemical plants, fertilizer manufacturers—cannot easily substitute gas with renewables, so they may push back against large‑scale data‑center consumption. Extreme weather, such as the 2021 Texas freeze, can curtail wellhead output, forcing a choice between keeping AI workloads online or supplying heat to households. In sum, the AI‑driven rush for natural‑gas power plants highlights a fundamental physical constraint: the digital economy still depends on finite, market‑sensitive energy resources. Betting heavily on a commodity that can swing dramatically in price may prove costly if AI growth plateaus or if gas supply tightens.

US President Donald Trump has intensified his rhetoric against Iran, suggesting that the United States aims to seize the country's oil industry. In a recent social media post, Trump stated that with more time, the US can 'easily open the Hormuz Strait, take the oil, and make a fortune.' This assertion marks a significant escalation in his statements regarding Iran. The strategic Hormuz Strait, a critical waterway for global oil shipments, has been effectively blocked by Iran early in the conflict, leading to a surge in energy prices. Trump's comments come as the US and Israel continue their military campaign against Iran, with the war now entering its sixth week. Under international law, specifically the doctrine of Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1962, oil and minerals are considered to belong to the countries where they are located. Trump's repeated calls for 'taking the oil' in countries involved in US military actions, including Iraq and Venezuela, have been controversial. Despite the assassinations of top Iranian officials and daily bombardments by the US and Israel, the Iranian government remains in control of the country's natural resources. The US has no publicly known military presence on the ground in Iran, and Trump did not provide details on how his administration plans to control Iran's oil. Trump's suggestion that replicating the Venezuelan model in Iran is possible but would require prolonging the war has sparked concerns. He expressed a preference for taking Iran's oil but noted that the US public may not have the patience for a prolonged conflict. Legal experts have criticized Trump's threats to bomb civilian infrastructure, including power stations and water desalination plants, as potential war crimes under international law. Iran's Foreign Ministry spokesperson has likened the US attacks to ISIS tactics, highlighting the devastating impact on civilian populations.

Ukraine has made significant gains on the battlefield, halving the Russian rate of advance in the past three months and reclaiming 470sq km of occupied territory this year. The country's military has also dealt a major blow to Russia's oil export capacity, striking key terminals and refineries, including Ust-Luga and Primorsk, which account for about 60% of Russia's oil export capacity.Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has secured agreements with several Gulf states, including Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar, to export Ukrainian drone know-how in return for joint drone production support. This has enabled Ukraine to increase its drone production and effectively counter Russian advances.The Ukrainian military has also targeted Russian munitions production, striking the Promsintez explosives plant in the Samara region, which produces 30,000 tonnes of military explosives annually. According to estimates, Russia has lost 45% of its missile production capacity due to Ukrainian strikes.In response to Ukrainian attacks, Russia has begun to extend its drone strikes throughout the day, imitating Iran's tactics against the US and Israel. However, Ukraine has successfully shot down over 90% of the drones launched by Russia.

At the start of 2026 Pakistan was sitting on a surplus of imported liquefied natural gas (LNG). Three consecutive years of falling demand – from a peak of 8.2 million tonnes in 2021 to 6.1 million tonnes by late 2025 – were driven by cheap solar panels and reduced industrial activity. The government responded by quietly selling excess cargoes abroad and shutting down domestic wells to avoid over‑pressurising pipelines. Any gas that could not be diverted would have been pushed into household networks at a loss, adding billions to the sector’s crippling debt. Everything changed on 28 February when the United States and Israel launched the "Epic Fury" operation against Iran. The strikes killed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and targeted missile sites, air defences and military infrastructure. Iran retaliated with hundreds of missiles and drones, choking traffic through the Strait of Hormuz – a chokepoint for roughly 20 % of global oil and gas. As part of its retaliation, Iranian drones hit Qatar’s Ras Laffan Industrial City on 2 March, the world’s largest LNG export hub. Qatar, the second‑largest LNG exporter after the United States, declared force majeure and halted all production, releasing it from contractual delivery obligations. The fallout was immediate. Qatar’s forced shutdown cut its LNG output by 17 % and disrupted the supply chain that fuels Pakistan, which sources almost all of its imported gas from Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Pakistan’s LNG arrivals plummeted from 12 shipments in January to just two in March. Monthly cargo data from the Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (OGRA) show that the country received between eight and twelve shipments a month through 2025, but only two arrived after the conflict began. Price pressure followed. On 13 February state‑owned Pakistan State Oil and Pakistan LNG Limited bought eight cargoes at an average of $10.47 per MMBtu (totaling $257.1 million). By 12 March the two cargoes that did arrive cost $12.49 per MMBtu – a 19 % increase in just one month. Long‑term contracts have left Pakistan with little flexibility. Two government‑to‑government agreements with Qatar, spanning 15 and 10 years, commit the country to nine shipments a month. Even as domestic demand fell – LNG’s share of Asian markets dropped from ~30 % in 2020 to ~18 % in 2025 – the contracts remained binding. Solarisation has been a double‑edged sword. By 2025 Pakistan installed 34 GW of solar capacity, with about 25 GW feeding the national grid, driving an 11 % decline in overall electricity demand between 2022 and 2025. Gas‑fired power plants built for imported LNG are now under‑utilised, especially during daylight hours. Analysts warn that the surplus was predictable. “Pakistan’s energy planning has been locked into long‑term contracts with little room for adjustment,” says Haneea Isaad of the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA). The resulting circular debt now stands at 3.3 trillion rupees (≈ $11 billion), and the government is negotiating to off‑load 177 unwanted shipments worth $5.6 billion through 2031. With Qatar’s LNG shipments effectively halted, the country faces a potential shortfall of more than 21 % of its power generation capacity. The National Electric Power Regulatory Authority confirmed that LNG supplies are under force majeure, while coal imports from South Africa and Indonesia continue. To mitigate the gap, Pakistan is reviving domestic gas production that had been throttled during the surplus period. Roughly 350–400 million cubic feet per day of domestic gas were previously held back for LNG imports, now being released to the grid. Nevertheless, analysts caution that even with restored domestic gas, imported coal and hydropower, “the energy shortage may persist, especially during the peak summer months.” Summer pressure is already building. The State of Industry Report 2025 recorded peak electricity demand of over 33,000 MW last summer, while winter demand sits around 15,000 MW, helped by solar generation of 9,000–10,000 MW daily. Furnace oil, the primary backup fuel, now costs 35 rupees per unit (≈ $0.12), more than double since the Strait of Hormuz disruption. Consumers with grid electricity face higher bills and possible outages; industrial users reliant on gas risk production cuts; those equipped with rooftop solar and battery storage are best insulated. “Returning to the spot market is unlikely given Pakistan’s dire financial position, and competing with wealthier nations would price the country out,” Isaad warns. “The realistic outcome may be planned load‑shedding of two to three hours daily.”

Former Iranian foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif urged Tehran to declare victory and pursue a diplomatic settlement after a rapid escalation of hostilities between Washington and Tehran. U.S. President Donald Trump warned that the U.S. military has not even started dismantling what remains of Iran’s infrastructure, a statement made in the wake of a strike that demolished the country’s largest bridge. In retaliation, Iran’s armed forces cautioned that they would destroy U.S. regional assets if the United States and Israel intensify their attacks, signaling a willingness to broaden the conflict. Tehran’s latest wave of strikes hit a desalination plant in Kuwait and the Habshan gas facility in the United Arab Emirates, extending the battlefield across the Gulf region. Analysts interpret Zarif’s call for a victory proclamation as a strategic pivot toward seeking a negotiated deal, even as military rhetoric on both sides remains fierce.

The conflict between Iran, the United States, and Israel has escalated on day 35, with the US and Israel widening their attacks on Iranian infrastructure. The strikes have targeted a century-old medical research centre in Tehran, steel plants, and a bridge near the capital, which Iran claims was civilian infrastructure.The human toll continues to rise, with at least 2,076 people killed and 26,500 wounded in Iran since the start of the US-Israeli attacks. Iran's Foreign Ministry reports that more than 600 schools and education centres have been hit since February 28.Iran's military has vowed to continue the war until its enemies face 'humiliation' and 'surrender', warning the US against a ground invasion. The Iranian Foreign Ministry has stated that it is ready for any type of attack, including a ground attack.In a significant development, US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has abruptly fired the US Army's top general and two other senior officers, sparking speculation of a wartime leadership shake-up.The conflict has also drawn in other countries, with Pakistan pushing for US-Iran talks and the United Kingdom holding talks with about 40 countries on reopening the Strait of Hormuz, which carries about 20 percent of the world's oil and LNG. The US has lost 13 service members in combat and two to noncombat causes, with more than 200 injured.In Israel, sirens have become 'part of life', with residents repeatedly heading to shelters, especially in the Tel Aviv area. The conflict has also intensified along the northern front, with Hezbollah carrying out 60 military operations against Israel in 24 hours.