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Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

Stephen Fry opened his appearance on ITV’s The Assembly with a startling question: “You tried to kill yourself a couple of times. Are you happy to be alive now?” The boldness set the tone for a conversation that veered far from the usual celebrity‑friendly script.The programme distinguishes itself by placing a well‑known guest in front of a panel of young adults with neurodivergence or learning disabilities. Free from the conventional safeguards of mainstream talk shows, the panel asks questions that are simultaneously unconventional and deeply human, prompting guests to respond without the usual rehearsed veneer.For Fry, the format proved liberating. Known for translating complex ideas into accessible language, he used the platform to discuss suicidal ideation, likening the experience to the lingering memory of a broken limb—painful yet now distant. This candidness allowed him to reaffirm why he remains a cultural touchstone.One of the most memorable moments came when a participant asked, “I read that you are bipolar. One of my family has that. How can I help them?” Fry responded with a vivid analogy, describing bipolar disorder as a “rainstorm raging inside you—eventually the sun returns, and it’s the weather, not the person, that changes.” This explanation resonated as both compassionate and educational.The interview oscillated between gravitas and levity. Fry fielded whimsical queries such as “Can you help me meet Céline Dion?” and “How much have you spent on cocaine?” alongside the probing “Are you a top or a bottom?” The juxtaposition amplified the emotional weight of the serious topics.At one point, a young panelist named Luca chose not to ask a question, instead performing William Wordsworth’s poem “The World Is Too Much With Us” with theatrical flair—a rare blend of poetry and performance that underscored the show’s experimental spirit.Another highlight involved Jacob, a panel member who brandished a list of Fry’s past advertising gigs—Heineken, Twinings, Honda, and more—before delivering the punchline, “Is there anything you wouldn’t do for money?” The extended joke built a collective laugh that softened the subsequent, more probing inquiries.Critics have likened the show’s tone to a hybrid of Radio 4’s In the Psychiatrist’s Chair and the cheeky, irreverent style of classic British comedy interviews such as those with Dame Edna Everage or Mrs Merton, creating a unique space where vulnerability and humor coexist.The episode concluded with Nina Simone’s “I Wish I Knew How It Would Feel to Be Free” playing as Fry reflected on his experiences with antisemitism and bipolar disorder. Moved by the music, he rose and danced, offering a visual testament to the therapeutic power of the format.The Assembly aired on ITV1 and is now available for streaming on ITVX.

At a Pentagon briefing, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth asserted that Iran’s request for a temporary cease‑fire was a direct result of the United States’ intensive air campaign, which he described as having reduced Iran’s weapons factories to rubble and rendered its military ineffective for years to come. Hegseth, standing beside Joint Chiefs Chairman Dan Caine, said the final wave of strikes before President Donald Trump announced a two‑week pause had completely destroyed Iran’s defense industrial base. While Iran can still fire from existing stockpiles, it can no longer replace lost munitions, according to the secretary. President Trump posted on Truth Social that he had agreed to suspend hostilities less than two hours before his self‑imposed deadline to “decimate the entirety of Iranian civilization.” The decision followed a last‑minute diplomatic push by Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and army chief Gen Asim Munir. Iran’s foreign minister Abbas Araghchi confirmed Tehran’s acceptance of the pause, and the country’s supreme national security council announced it would send a delegation to Islamabad for formal talks starting Friday. Both sides claimed victory: Iran’s security council said it had achieved “nearly all the objectives of the war,” while the United States highlighted the crippling of Iran’s military capabilities. The cease‑fire ends a conflict that began on 28 February, when the U.S. and Israel launched nearly 900 strikes in a 12‑hour window against Iranian military infrastructure, missile sites, and leadership. The opening day saw the death of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, with his son Mojtaba Khamenei named successor on 8 March. Hegseth warned that the United States had prepared additional strikes on Iran’s power plants, bridges and energy infrastructure—targets he said Iran could not defend or rebuild for decades—if Tehran had refused the pause. According to Joint Chiefs Chairman Caine, 13 U.S. service members were killed during the fighting. Total casualties across the region exceed 5,000, including over 1,600 Iranian civilians and at least 1,497 deaths in Lebanon. By the sixth day of the war, U.S. military spending had reached roughly $12.7 billion, with a pending supplemental request of $200 billion before Congress. The future of a lasting settlement remains uncertain. Trump later announced that Iran would hand over its enriched uranium and cease all enrichment activities, while Iran’s supreme national security council released a 10‑point counter‑proposal that explicitly demands the right to continue enrichment. Disagreements also persist over the cease‑fire’s scope. Israel maintains that the pause does not apply to Lebanon, where ground and air campaigns are at their most intense since Israel’s northern invasion. Both Pakistan and Iran, however, have stated that Lebanon is included in the cease‑fire. Subsequent reports indicated Iranian missile and drone attacks on Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates, as well as strikes on Iran’s oil infrastructure on Lavan Island. Iran’s supreme national security council warned that its forces remain on high alert, stating, “our hands are on the trigger, and any mistake by the enemy will be met with full force.” When asked about the long‑term U.S. presence in the region, Hegseth replied unequivocally: “We’re not going anywhere.”

Evelyn Araluen has been named among the six finalists for the 2026 Stella Prize with her second poetry collection, The Rot. This marks her second appearance on the shortlist, four years after becoming the first poet to win the award as an Australian woman and non‑binary writer. The $60,000 prize will be contested alongside five diverse titles: Geraldine Brooks’ memoir Memorial Days, Miranda Darling’s novel Fireweather, Lee Lai’s graphic novel Cannon, Marika Sosnowski’s hybrid nonfiction 58 Facets: On Violence and the Law, and Tasma Walton’s novel I Am Nannertgarrook. Each shortlisted author receives a $5,000 advance. Earlier this year, Araluen’s The Rot captured the top prize and a $125,000 award at the Victorian Premier’s Literary Awards, praised for its exploration of grief and collective anxiety amid the global coverage of the Gaza conflict. The collection was sparked by an incident at Adelaide Writers’ Week in 2024, where Araluen was heckled for describing the Israeli bombardment of Gaza as genocide. She told Guardian Australia that the poems aim to document a "panicked, distressed window of time" that future readers might view with horror and regret. "I wanted the book to clearly record what we knew and did not stop," Araluen said. "If it reads as naive, let it still serve as a record of an uncomfortable truth we all must face." Araluen, a Goorie and Koori poet, first won the Stella Prize in 2022 for her debut collection Dropbear. This year’s shortlist was selected from 212 submissions, underscoring the depth of contemporary Australian women’s and non‑binary writing. Chair of judges Sophie Gee praised the list, noting that the books “move us to the core through language, the truth of their emotion, and the honesty of what it means to be human, across time and space.” The winner will be announced on 13 May 2026. Last year’s prize went to Michelle de Kretser for her novel Theory and Practice.

Israeli attacks on Lebanon have intensified, causing widespread devastation and deepening fissures within Lebanese society. The violence has resulted in over 1,500 deaths, including 130 children, and displaced more than 1.2 million people. The attacks have predominantly targeted the Shia Muslim community, including civilians not affiliated with Hezbollah.The latest incident occurred in Ain Saadeh, a predominantly Christian area east of Beirut, where two US-made GBU-39 bombs killed three people, including Pierre Moawad, a member of the anti-Hezbollah Christian party Lebanese Forces, his wife Flavia, and a visiting friend named Roula Mattar. This attack has further strained sectarian relations, with some Lebanese blaming Hezbollah for drawing Israeli wrath.Experts warn that Israel's strategy aims to create a rift between Lebanese communities and isolate the Shia community. The attacks have sparked panic and fear, with displaced people facing discrimination and locals demanding increased security measures.Human rights organizations have accused Israel of committing 'apparently deliberate or indiscriminate attacks' on civilians in Lebanon. While Israel claims to target Hezbollah operatives and infrastructure, the mounting civilian casualties have raised concerns about the proportionality of its actions.As the conflict escalates, Lebanese citizens express growing despair. One resident, Huda, said: 'We are dying, little by little.' The situation remains dire, with no immediate end to the violence in sight.

Waitrose faces mounting pressure after a reader highlighted the dismissal of former employee Walker Smith, who intervened to stop a shoplifter taking Easter eggs. The writer argues that senior management should step off their "ivory tower" and experience the shop floor to grasp the daily shoplifting epidemic confronting staff.The same contributor suggests a grassroots campaign: a “Don’t‑shop Wednesday” at Waitrose locations to demonstrate public solidarity with Smith and to force senior executives to address the issue directly.Other letters shared in the edition range from a heart‑warming story about a Labrador named Beau rescuing its owner after a cardiac arrest, to light‑hearted observations about shared birthdays of political figures and the challenges of spelling uncommon surnames. These personal reflections underscore the diverse voices that populate the Guardian’s letters section.Collectively, the submissions illustrate a broader concern: retail workers’ safety and morale are being tested by rising theft, and public support may be pivotal in shaping corporate responses.

The word 'marmalade' has a rich history that spans across cultures. It originates from the Portuguese fruit 'marmelo' (quince), which was used to make a sweet jam that was exported to England at the end of the 15th century. Over time, the English adopted the term 'marmalade' and applied it to orange jam, making it their own.Mónica Joyce Moniz, a Portuguese-British citizen, shares her perspective on the matter, highlighting the connection between her two countries. She notes that in Portugal, marmalade is still known as quince jam.Tony Batcup, a reader from Chile, suggests that marmalade should be correctly named as 'bitter orange marmalade', given its origins from Citrus x aurantium. He humorously proposes that the EU and UK can save their differences for more important issues.Mark de Brunner jokingly remarks that Brexit represented 'jam tomorrow', which has surprisingly come true in a literal sense.

Liverpool manager Arne Slot has expressed confidence that his team can go 'toe-to-toe' with Paris Saint-Germain in their Champions League quarter-final first leg on Wednesday, despite a 4-0 defeat to Manchester City in the FA Cup quarter-final.Slot warned that his team will suffer another emphatic defeat if they switch off against PSG, but believes they can save their season by competing with the European champions. He acknowledged that PSG have improved since winning their first Champions League title last season and will punish any lapses from Liverpool.The pressure on Liverpool and Slot has intensified following the defeat to Manchester City, with Virgil van Dijk criticizing the team's performance. However, Slot and Florian Wirtz have emphasized the importance of character and mentality in overcoming setbacks.Liverpool have won only once in five matches, but Slot and Wirtz have expressed confidence that the team can turn their form around. Slot highlighted that Liverpool have a good record of standing up in tough moments and competing with top teams in Europe.Alexander Isak is expected to be named among Liverpool's substitutes after four months out injured, and Slot may make changes in personnel and formation in response to the City defeat.

Tens of thousands of people have been hired by Scale AI – a firm 49% owned by Meta – to train artificial‑intelligence models by scraping Instagram accounts, harvesting copyrighted artwork and transcribing pornographic soundtracks, according to the Guardian.Scale AI promotes its Outlier platform as a flexible, expert‑driven marketplace, recruiting professionals from medicine, physics and economics to "become the expert that AI learns from."Workers, however, say the reality diverges sharply from high‑level model refinement. They describe tasks that involve massive personal‑data scraping and content that many find morally uncomfortable.Outlier is managed by Scale AI, which holds contracts with the U.S. Pentagon and other defense companies. Its chief executive, Alexandr Wang, is hailed by Forbes as the world’s youngest self‑made billionaire, while former managing director Michael Kratsios served as science adviser to former President Donald Trump.One contractor noted that users of Meta platforms would be shocked to learn their photos and friends’ images are being harvested for AI training, with workers manually reviewing profiles to extract data.The Guardian interviewed ten Outlier contributors – many also journalists, graduate students, teachers or librarians – who took the gig work out of economic desperation. One said, "A lot of us were really desperate" and felt compelled to accept the unstable, low‑pay assignments.These gig workers, dubbed “taskers,” often feel they are training their own replacements, expressing “internalised shame and guilt” over contributing to the automation of creative professions.Law firm Clarkson, representing AI gig workers, estimates that hundreds of thousands of people worldwide now labor on platforms like Outlier. Taskers report bait‑and‑switch recruitment tactics, where advertised high salaries are replaced by lower‑paid projects after onboarding.All contributors are monitored through a tool called Hubstaff, which can screenshot browsers to verify work. While Scale AI claims the software is only for accurate payment, workers describe it as constant surveillance.Assignments have ranged from transcribing pornographic audio and labeling photos of dead animals or dog faeces, to annotating diagrams of infant genitalia and violent police scenarios. One doctoral student recounted being promised “no nudity” only to receive explicit porn clips.Scale AI says it shuts down any task flagged as inappropriate and does not accept projects involving child sexual‑abuse material or pornography, though workers note that publicly available images of minors have been used for training.Social‑media scraping tasks required workers to tag individuals by name, location and age, sometimes pulling data from accounts of users under 18. One task asked contributors to order Facebook photos by the subject’s age, prompting ethical unease.In addition to personal data, taskers were asked to harvest copyrighted artwork, with strict instructions to avoid AI‑generated images and select only hand‑drawn pieces. Scale AI maintains it does not ask workers to violate copyright standards.Scale AI’s client list includes major tech firms such as Google, Meta and OpenAI, as well as the U.S. Department of Defense and the government of Qatar, highlighting the growing demand for labelled data as AI models scale.Some workers reported interacting with ChatGPT and Claude, and speculated they might be training Meta’s upcoming model, code‑named “Avocado.”OpenAI announced it ended its partnership with Scale AI in June 2025, citing its supplier code of conduct that mandates ethical treatment of all workers.Despite irregular pay, occasional mass layoffs and the unsettling nature of many tasks, many taskers remain on the Outlier platform, hoping the AI future will eventually improve conditions. One said, "I have to be positive about AI because the alternative is not great."In response, a Scale AI spokesperson stated, "Outlier provides flexible, project‑based work with transparent pay. Contributors choose when and how they participate, and we regularly hear from highly skilled contributors who value the flexibility and opportunity to apply their expertise on the platform."