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One year ago, US President Donald Trump introduced a 10% global tariff, sparking a trade war with far-reaching consequences. The immediate impact was severe, with the stock market experiencing its worst drop since the pandemic. In response, countries scrambled to negotiate deals with Washington or retaliate with their own tariffs. Recently, the Supreme Court ruled that most of Trump's tariffs are illegal, citing the president's lack of authority to impose broad, open-ended tariffs under a national emergency. However, this ruling did not end the trade war. Within hours, Trump invoked a different statute to launch a temporary tariff, set to expire in July. The effects of the tariffs have already reshaped the US economy. The average effective US tariff rate surged from 2.6% to over 13%, the highest level since World War II. This significant increase has led to higher costs for American consumers. According to the Tax Foundation, US households paid $1,000 more in 2025 for the same goods. Tarrifs work by imposing a tax on foreign goods and services, making them more expensive and encouraging local purchases. Despite Trump's promise that tariffs would reduce the trade deficit and make the US richer, the reality is that the average US consumer is worse off. The Penn Wharton Budget Model reports that the US collected over $287.1 billion in customs duties in 2025 and $64.4 billion in 2026. Economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York found that nearly 90% of the economic burden from tariffs has fallen on US businesses and consumers, with foreign exporters absorbing only a small percentage of the cost. Lower-income households have been disproportionately affected, as they spend a higher proportion of their earnings on essential goods like food, clothing, and transportation. Following the Supreme Court's ruling, the government may be required to refund up to $175 billion to businesses that paid the tariffs. With Trump's tariffs being replaced by a flat 10% tariff, the Tax Foundation projects that the average cost to US households will fall to about $600. While an improvement, it remains a significant cost for consumers.

Puka Nacua, the Los Angeles Rams’ standout wide receiver, entered a rehabilitation program months before a civil suit was filed against him, according to his legal counsel.Attorney Levi McCathern told The California Post that Nacua’s decision to seek treatment was not a reaction to the lawsuit, but an effort to "improve his overall behavior in every aspect of his life" and that he will remain in rehab for an extended period.The plaintiff, Madison Atiabi, alleges that during a New Year’s Eve dinner in Los Angeles last year, Nacua uttered a profane anti‑Jewish slur and subsequently bit her shoulder, leaving visible teeth marks. She also claims Nacua bit a friend’s thumb with enough force to cause acute pain.McCathern vehemently refutes the antisemitic accusation, describing the alleged bites as "horseplay" and citing multiple sober witnesses who assert that Nacua never made the offensive remarks attributed to him.In December, Nacua issued a public apology after a livestream gesture was criticized for echoing antisemitic tropes, further intensifying scrutiny of his conduct.On the field, the 24‑year‑old had a breakout season, leading the NFL with 129 receptions, 1,715 yards, and 10 touchdowns. He continued his dominance in the playoffs, topping the league with 24 catches for 332 yards and two touchdowns.With his contract set to expire this offseason, Nacura is eligible for an extension that could rank him among the highest‑paid receivers in NFL history, though the Rams have yet to announce any negotiations.

When billionaire hedge‑fund manager Chris Rokos announced a £190 million contribution to the University of Cambridge, the move instantly became the largest single donation to any UK university in modern history. The funds will establish a new “school of government” aimed at bridging policy, science and emerging technologies. Rokos, a 55‑year‑old Oxford graduate, has amassed an estimated £2.6 billion fortune, primarily through his firm Rokos Capital Management (RCM), which he founded in 2015 after a high‑profile stint at Brevan Howard. RCM now oversees **over £22 billion** in assets, employs roughly 350 staff, and operates from offices in London, New York, Singapore and Abu Dhabi. In the most recent fiscal year ending March, Rokos paid himself nearly £500 million, according to Companies House filings, reflecting the firm’s strong performance amid volatile markets. Beyond finance, Rokos has kept a remarkably low public profile. He famously declined to provide a photograph when launching a £500 million fund in 2007, and he has avoided media attention despite owning one of England’s most expensive private residences. The £175 million refurbishment of the Grade I‑listed Tottenham House in Wiltshire – featuring a tennis pavilion, private cinema, basement squash court and a proposed “subterranean family link” to a pool house – has drawn local council scrutiny but stands as a tangible testament to his wealth. Rokos’s career trajectory began in banking at UBS and Goldman Sachs, moving to Credit Suisse where he was recruited by Alan Howard. He later joined the founding team of Brevan Howard in 2002, generating roughly $4 billion (≈£3 billion) in investor profits and about £600 million for himself before departing in 2012. His philanthropic philosophy emphasizes diversity of thought. In a video released by Cambridge, Rokos warned that a school populated only by “centrist, socially liberal” voices would be a failure, insisting on a broad spectrum of intellectual viewpoints. Earlier this year, RCM’s exploratory talks to bring former UK business secretary Peter Mandelson onto its advisory board collapsed after revelations about Mandelson’s connections to the late Jeffrey Epstein. Rokos also ranks among the UK’s biggest taxpayers and maintains a family office in Mayfair. A lingering legal dispute over a five‑year non‑compete clause with a former employer was settled out of court, clearing the way for his current venture. Overall, the record‑breaking Cambridge donation not only reshapes the university’s academic landscape but also underscores how hedge‑fund wealth is increasingly channeled into high‑impact philanthropy, blurring the lines between finance, education and public policy.

Cuba's tourism industry, once a pillar of the country's economy, is reeling from the effects of the US oil blockade imposed in January. The blockade has led to a significant decline in visitors, with only 1.6 million tourists visiting the island from January to November last year, a drop from its 2018 peak of 4.8 million.The decline in tourism has had a devastating impact on the livelihoods of Cubans who rely on the industry for their income. Taxi driver Rainier Hernandez, 38, used to work upwards of six hours a day ferrying tourists around Havana, but now he is lucky to get one or two hours of paid work in a day.The economic momentum has sputtered in recent years, a trend accelerated by a recent spike in tensions between the US and Cuba. The blockade has pushed petrol prices up to $12 per litre ($45.36 per gallon) and led the government to cancel nearly all public transport options.Tour guides like Carlos Fariñas, 29, are struggling to make ends meet, with some considering leaving the island in search of better opportunities. 'If there is no tourism, there is no economy,' Fariñas said.The situation has become so dire that some Cubans are worried about losing their homes, as the collapse of the tourism industry could cost them the very roof over their heads. 'I would die of hunger' if I had to wait for tourists to return, said Alejandro Ricardo, 26, who manages an Airbnb in Havana.The US oil blockade has had far-reaching consequences for Cuba's economy, with the country's tourism industry accounting for nearly 12 percent of its GDP at its height in the late 2010s. The blockade has left many Cubans uncertain about their future on the island, as they struggle to afford necessities.

Anthropic, a leading AI developer, has suffered a significant source code leak of its AI-powered coding assistant, Claude Code. The incident occurred due to "human error" during a software update, which mistakenly included an internal-use file pointing to an archive containing nearly 2,000 files and 500,000 lines of code.The leaked code was quickly copied to the developer platform GitHub, where a post sharing a link to the code garnered over 29 million views. A rewritten version of the source code rapidly became GitHub's fastest-ever downloaded repository. In response, Anthropic issued copyright takedown requests to try to contain the code's spread.Analysis of the leaked code revealed blueprints for a Tamagotchi-esque coding assistant and an always-on AI agent. Anthropic assured that the exposed code did not contain confidential data from Claude, the underlying AI model. However, some experts worry that the leak suggests internal security vulnerabilities within Anthropic, which could be particularly troubling for a company focused on AI safety.The leak could also benefit competitors like OpenAI and Google by providing them with insights into Claude Code's AI system. This incident is the second data leak for Anthropic in recent weeks, following a separate breach that exposed thousands of internal files on publicly accessible systems.The US government has designated Anthropic as a supply chain risk, a designation the company is contesting in court. This latest breach comes at a critical time for Anthropic, as its paid subscriber base continues to grow and its Claude chatbot gains popularity.

The Super League marked a significant milestone recently, celebrating 30 years since its launch in 1996. To commemorate the occasion, the league hosted a special event at Headingley, where Leeds played Warrington in a repeat of one of the original fixtures. The event featured a nostalgic look back at the league's early days, with Sky Sports anchor Brian Carney welcoming guests to reminisce about their past heroics. In 1996, only three Super League games were televised, despite Sky Sports investing £87m in the new competition. Fast-forward to the present, and the media landscape has transformed dramatically. Today, fans can access live broadcasts of almost every Super League game, with Sky Sports paying £21.5m to show every game this season, a significant decrease from the £17.3m they paid for two games a week in 1996. The way people consume sports media has also undergone a substantial shift. Fans now rely on their phones for updates, rather than traditional radio bulletins. The proliferation of social media and online platforms has changed the way journalists work, with many now producing content for rugby league websites, such as Serious About Rugby League and Love Rugby League. The number of full-time reporters covering the sport has dwindled, with most journalists now working part-time or for online publications. Despite this, the sport remains popular, with radio coverage expanding to include live broadcasts of almost every Super League game on BBC's local stations, 5 Live Sports Extra, or TalkSport. Veteran journalists, such as Paul Fitzpatrick and Andy Wilson, reflect on the changes they've seen over the years. They note that while the sport has become more accessible, the media landscape has become more challenging, with fewer resources and a greater emphasis on online content. Nevertheless, the openness of rugby league players and the humility of the sport's stakeholders have made it a pleasure to cover.

America faces an unprecedented concentration of wealth: the richest 1% now control more assets than the bottom 93% of households, and a single individual, Elon Musk, with a net worth of $805 billion, holds more wealth than the lower‑half of the population combined.Recent tax policies have amplified this gap. In the year following the largest tax cut in U.S. history, 938 billionaires added $1.5 trillion to their fortunes, while President Trump and his family saw a modest increase of $4 billion. Four Wall Street giants—BlackRock, Vanguard, Fidelity and State Street—own stakes in more than 95 % of publicly traded companies, cementing corporate dominance across the economy.Political influence mirrors financial power: by the 2026 midterms, just 50 billionaires had poured over $433 million into campaign activities, shaping policy to protect their interests.Meanwhile, the average American worker is earning roughly $20 per week less than in 1973 after inflation adjustment, despite decades of productivity gains. The Rand Corporation estimates that $79 trillion has shifted from the bottom 90 % to the top 1 % over the past half‑century.Economic hardship is widespread: 60 % of households live paycheck to paycheck, nearly half of older workers lack retirement savings, and over 20 % of seniors survive on less than $15,000 annually. Health‑care insecurity affects 85 million Americans, with more than 500,000 filing for bankruptcy each year due to medical debt.At the heart of the problem is a tax code engineered by the affluent. Billionaires now pay lower effective rates than typical workers. For example, Musk’s tax rate sits below 3.3 % compared with an 8.4 % rate for a truck driver; Jeff Bezos paid under 1 % versus 8.7 % for a firefighter; Michael Bloomberg’s rate was 1.3 % against 13.3 % for a registered nurse; and Warren Buffett’s rate was a mere 0.1 % while a schoolteacher paid nearly 10 %.Corporate tax avoidance compounds the issue. After a $900 billion corporate tax break, major firms such as Tesla, SpaceX, Palantir, Ticketmaster and the parent of Taco Bell, Pizza Hut and KFC reported zero federal income tax despite generating over $17 billion in profit.Public sentiment is shifting. In California, voters favor a billionaire tax by a two‑to‑one margin, and in New York City, 62 % back a 2 % surtax on the ultra‑wealthy. Nationwide, more than six in ten Americans believe the wealthy and large corporations pay too little.In response, Senator Sanders introduced legislation to impose a 5 % wealth tax on the 938 billionaires whose combined net worth exceeds $8.2 trillion. Over a decade, the measure would generate roughly $4.4 trillion.The first‑year rollout would deliver a $3,000 direct payment to every household earning $150,000 or less—equating to $12,000 for a typical family of four. Additional provisions include constructing 7 million affordable housing units, expanding Medicare to cover dental, vision and hearing, providing universal childcare, raising the minimum teacher salary to $60,000, and guaranteeing Medicaid‑funded home health care for seniors and people with disabilities.Crucially, the plan would reverse recent health‑care cuts that stripped coverage from 15 million Americans, ensuring no additional loss of insurance.Even if the tax were applied retroactively, the impact on the ultra‑rich would be modest relative to their fortunes: Elon Musk would owe an extra $42 billion, Mark Zuckerberg an additional $11 billion, and Jeff Bezos another $11 billion—figures that would barely dent their net worths.As Justice Louis Brandeis warned in 1933, “We must make our choice. We may have democracy, or we may have wealth concentrated in the hands of a few, but we cannot have both.” Senator Sanders argues the choice is clear: a democratic economy that serves the many, not a plutocratic system that serves the 1 %.The wealthiest Americans must begin contributing their fair share.

Manchester United's financial accounts have revealed that their wage bill for the last season was significantly lower than that of their Women's Super League rivals, Arsenal. The £5.88m total wage bill, including social security and pensions costs, was far closer to that of fifth-placed Brighton, whose total was £5m.In contrast, Arsenal, the only other club among the WSL's big four to have published their accounts, paid their players and staff £9.9m and their wage bill, including social security and pensions costs, reached £11.3m. This disparity in spending highlights the challenges faced by Manchester United as they prepare for a crucial Champions League quarter-final match against Bayern Munich.Despite the lower wage bill, Manchester United recorded a profit before tax of £510,000 and total revenue rose by 16% to £10.74m, thanks largely to a big increase in what the accounts labelled “services recharged to other group undertakings”. The club's matchday revenue fell sharply, from £1.87m in 2023-24 to £1.22m, while broadcasting revenue and commercial revenue also dropped.Manchester United's manager, Marc Skinner, will be looking to overcome a 3-2 deficit against Bayern Munich, a team that has been in impressive form. Skinner emphasized that if his team were to progress to the semi-finals, it would rank as highly as their FA Cup triumph at Wembley in 2024.

President Donald Trump is reportedly weighing a request for Arab countries to fund the U.S.–Israel war on Iran, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt told reporters on Monday. Leavitt said the president is "quite interested" in calling on regional partners to share the expense.The idea mirrors the financing arrangement of the 1990‑91 Gulf War, when a coalition of Arab and Western nations covered roughly 88% of the $61 billion cost, leaving the United States to foot only about 12%.Trump also hinted that, even if the Strait of Hormuz remains closed, other export‑dependent partners should manage the crisis. The strait carries about 20% of the world’s oil and LNG shipments; its shutdown has pushed Brent crude to **$116 per barrel**, up from pre‑war levels near **$65**.Iran, meanwhile, has demanded that the United States pay reparations to Iranian victims as a precondition for any cease‑fire.So far, there is no clear commitment from Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members—countries that have themselves been hit by Iranian strikes—to finance the conflict. Analysts estimate the total bill could run into tens of billions of dollars, though exact figures remain uncertain.Experts note a shift in regional attitudes: GCC states opposed the war before it began and continue to call for diplomacy, according to Zeidon Alkinani of the Arab Perspectives Institute. He added that Israel appears to be the primary driver pushing the United States into the confrontation.History shows the United States has repeatedly sought external funding for wars it leads. During the Gulf War, Saudi Arabia contributed $16.8 billion (27% of total costs) and Kuwait $16 billion (26%). Japan, Germany, the UAE and South Korea also supplied sizable sums.Post‑World War II, the U.S. administered the Marshall Plan, providing over $13 billion to rebuild Europe, while Germany and Japan paid reparations and later funded the upkeep of U.S. bases—about $1 billion annually each.In the ongoing Ukraine war, the United States once delivered the largest aid package—€114.64 billion (≈$134 billion) by mid‑2025. Since Trump returned to office in 2025, he has withdrawn **99% of U.S. support**, shifting the financial load to European allies and turning the U.S. into a major arms supplier, with weapons sales reaching a record **$318.7 billion in 2024**. Recent deals, such as a $10 billion weapons package for Ukraine financed by European partners, illustrate this new model.These precedents underscore a pattern: when U.S. leadership faces costly overseas engagements, it often looks to allies—especially those with strategic interests—to share or assume the fiscal burden.