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Phil Foden must seize his chance as Manchester City face Liverpool on Saturday at 12:45 pm BST. After two lacklustre starts for England under Thomas Tuchel, the 25‑year‑old has recorded only one assist in his last 22 outings for club and country. Dropped below Rayan Cherki in Pep Guardiola’s hierarchy and yet to complete a full 90 minutes since January, Foden’s performance in the FA Cup could determine his future at both City and the national team.Manchester City v Liverpool – Saturday 12:45 pm BSTEstêvão Willian offers Chelsea a welcome boost. Following a Champions League exit at the hands of Paris Saint‑Germain and a heavy defeat to Everton, manager Liam Rosenior faces a must‑win against Port Vale at 5:15 pm BST. The 18‑year‑old Brazilian winger, who impressed as a substitute against Everton, could inject the speed and unpredictability Chelsea need to lift a disgruntled crowd and revive a faltering season.Chelsea v Port Vale – Saturday 5:15 pm BSTKepa Arrizabalaga gets a second chance ahead of Arsenal’s trip to Southampton. The former Athletic Bilbao keeper was at fault for the decisive goal in the Carabao Cup final, yet manager Mikel Arteta has kept him as the starting goalkeeper for the FA Cup tie. A solid performance could cement Arrizabalaga’s status as Arsenal’s long‑term No 2, while a repeat error may see him lose the role to David Raya.Southampton v Arsenal – Saturday 8:00 pm BSTWest Ham’s cup run doubles as a survival rehearsal. The Hammers host Leeds United on Sunday at 4:30 pm BST, a match that could swing the relegation battle. Despite a recent victory over Brentford, injuries – notably to winger Crysencio Summerville – threaten to undermine their league campaign. Manager Nuno Espírito Santo must balance the morale boost from the cup with the need to keep key players fit for the Premier League’s final stretch.West Ham v Leeds – Sunday 4:30 pm BST

The United States has reaffirmed that it is still prepared to engage Tehran in diplomatic talks, despite the ongoing US‑Israel war against Iran and President Donald Trump’s renewed threats to target the country’s civilian infrastructure. State Department spokesperson Tommy Pigott told Al Jazeera that President Trump had pursued negotiations with Iran before the conflict erupted, but accused the Iranian regime of persisting in its quest for a nuclear weapon. "The president is always open to diplomacy, but he’s also clear that we will see our objectives fulfilled here," Pigott said, underscoring the administration’s dual track of diplomatic engagement and military pressure. In a primetime address aired on Wednesday, Trump echoed his earlier claims that the United States is winning the war, yet offered no concrete roadmap for ending the hostilities or reopening the Strait of Hormuz – a chokepoint whose closure by Tehran has driven global energy prices higher. The conflict began on February 28, shortly after a round of Geneva talks that Omani mediators and Iranian officials described as “positive.” Last year, Israel struck Iran’s three primary nuclear facilities in an operation the White House dubbed “Midnight Hammer.” Iran continues to deny any intention to develop a nuclear weapon, while Israel is widely believed to possess an undeclared nuclear arsenal. Former intelligence chief Tulsi Gabbard testified to Congress that Iran was not rebuilding enrichment capacity before the June 2025 attacks, and later reiterated that there have been no efforts to restore its nuclear program since the strikes. Nevertheless, Tehran insists on the right to enrich uranium domestically and has ruled out negotiations over its missile program and support for groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas. Pigott emphasized that the United States is maintaining high‑level diplomatic contacts across the region, stating, "We see diplomatic engagement at the highest levels of this administration, with our partners in the region, to pursue our interests and explore what can happen here." The spokesperson also accused Iran of targeting civilians and civilian infrastructure, describing the threat of a nuclear‑armed Tehran as "intolerable." In response, Iran has launched missile and drone attacks against U.S. and Israeli assets, as well as energy facilities, hotels, and airports throughout the Middle East. Trump later posted footage of a U.S. strike on a major Iranian bridge, warning that similar attacks could follow. He wrote on social media, "IT IS TIME FOR IRAN TO MAKE A DEAL BEFORE IT IS TOO LATE, and there is nothing left of what could become a great country." In the same speech, he threatened to destroy Iran’s power plants and, earlier in the week, suggested the United States could also target water desalination stations – actions that legal experts say would constitute collective punishment under international law. Barbara Slavin, a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center, told Al Jazeera that Trump appears to be "scrambling" to intensify the war in hopes of forcing a resolution before the conflict turns into a definitive failure.

The United Kingdom has taken the lead in gathering foreign ministers from 40 countries to discuss strategies for reopening the Strait of Hormuz, a vital shipping route that has been blocked by Iran's actions.UK Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper emphasized that Iran's blockade of the waterway is threatening global economic security. The virtual meeting, which included countries like France, Germany, Italy, Canada, Japan, and the United Arab Emirates, resulted in a joint statement demanding that Iran cease its attempts to block the strait and pledging to ensure safe passage through the waterway.The coalition's efforts are seen as a response to US President Donald Trump's comments that securing the strait is not the US's responsibility. The meeting is considered a first step, to be followed by working-level meetings to hammer out details.Al Jazeera's Rory Challands noted that while the coalition is broad, involving countries from various regions, there are questions about the naval capacity of these countries to enforce the reopening of the strait. British Prime Minister Keir Starmer has emphasized the need for non-military solutions, and French President Emmanuel Macron has suggested that talking directly to Iran is the best approach.The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has had significant economic impacts, including soaring petroleum prices and disruptions to global oil supplies. There have been 23 direct attacks on commercial vessels in the Gulf since the conflict began, resulting in 11 crew members killed.

Thousands of Iranians assembled in Tehran for the funeral of senior IRGC naval commander Alireza Tangsiri, who was killed in an Israeli strike, vowing steadfast resistance even as the United States issued stark warnings.The ceremony took place on the 47th anniversary of the Islamic Republic, a milestone that marks the 1979 revolution that ended the centuries‑old monarchy.This year’s commemoration carries added weight as the capital endures relentless U.S.-Israeli bombardments that began on February 28."This war has lasted a month. No matter how long it takes, we will keep fighting," declared Moussa Nowruzi, a 57‑year‑old pensioner, adding, "We will resist until the end."Among the mourners, a young boy brandished a sign reading "Revenge", while massive Iranian flags fluttered as crowds filled Enghelab Square, the heart of the city named after the revolution.Chants of "God is greatest, Khamenei is the supreme leader" echoed through the square, and a man was seen sobbing in the arms of a woman dressed in black.Participants also honored relatives lost in the conflict, their faces displayed on placards, as Tangsiri’s coffin was carried slowly through the gathering.Tangsiri, one of the IRGC’s longest‑serving senior officers, was credited with orchestrating the closure of the Strait of Hormuz to vessels aligned with the United States and Israel during the ongoing war.Later that day, U.S. President Donald Trump addressed the nation on television, reiterating that the war was inevitable and that America intended to "finish the job" in Iran.Trump previously claimed that Iran’s president had sought a truce—a statement Tehran denied—and warned that bombardments would continue until the Hormuz waterway was "open, free, and clear."Funeral attendees dismissed the president’s threats. "We have heard Trump say things that even the American public finds confusing," said Homa Vosoogh, 36, adding, "His statements do not affect us."Government employee Mohammad Saleh Momeni echoed the sentiment, asserting that Trump "cannot translate his words into action" and reaffirming their loyalty to Iran’s leadership.While the United States and Israel initially framed their campaign as a push for regime change, Trump’s stance has since wavered.According to the report, air strikes have claimed the life of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who led Iran for 36 years, yet the governing structure remains functional, retaining its missile and drone capabilities.Portraits of the late leader and his son Mojtaba Khamenei, who has yet to appear publicly, dominate public spaces throughout Tehran."They believe killing our commanders will weaken us, but it will not," Momeni asserted, describing the adversaries’ misconceptions.Despite a wave of anti‑government protests that peaked in January, a segment of the population continues to harbor hopes for political reform.

Ramesh Kumar, a 42‑year‑old wheat farmer in Gurdaspur, Punjab, India, is already recalculating his budget as fertiliser prices climb and deliveries become erratic.He worries that higher input costs could force him to postpone his daughter’s wedding, delay school fees for his children, or even cut back on the amount of fertiliser he applies – a decision that could lower his harvest.While the conflict between the United States, Israel and Iran unfolds thousands of kilometres away, its ripple effects are felt in the fields of Punjab, Kashmir, Pakistan’s South Punjab, Bangladesh’s Rangpur and Nepal’s Gulmi district.The Strait of Hormuz, a narrow chokepoint linking Gulf oil and gas producers to global markets, handles roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments. Disruptions here delay the flow of natural gas used to produce nitrogen‑based fertilisers, inflating freight, insurance and ultimately fertiliser prices.South Asia, home to nearly two billion people, depends heavily on fertiliser‑intensive agriculture. In India, the sector is worth about $400 billion and employs over 46 % of the workforce; in Pakistan, it contributes close to 20 % of GDP; Bangladesh’s agriculture accounts for 12‑13 % of GDP; and Nepal relies on agriculture for roughly 24 % of its economy.Between 30 % and 35 % of India’s fertiliser imports, and up to 25‑30 % of Pakistan’s, Bangladesh’s, and Nepal’s imports, travel through routes that pass the Strait of Hormuz. Any prolonged blockage could therefore strain supply chains across the region.Governments are attempting to reassure farmers. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced expanded domestic production of urea, DAP and NPK, as well as the rollout of “Made‑in‑India Nano Urea” and solar‑powered irrigation under the PM Kusum scheme.Pakistan’s federal secretary for agriculture highlighted proactive monitoring, increased domestic urea and DAP output, and measures to keep fertiliser affordable.Bangladesh plans to import 500,000 tonnes of urea in the short term and is exploring alternative sources from China and Morocco, while Nepal’s agriculture ministry says supplies for the upcoming rainy season are secured, though it warns of possible shipment delays.On the ground, farmers are already adjusting. In Kashmir, mustard grower Ghulam Rasool says he reduces fertiliser use as soon as price signals rise, even before actual shortages appear. In Pakistan’s South Punjab, wheat farmer Muneer Ahmad fears higher costs will affect the entire community. In Bangladesh, Mohammad Ibrahim notes that fertiliser availability is becoming unpredictable, and in Nepal, Meghnath Aryal worries that delayed deliveries will hurt crop yields.These individual decisions have broader implications. Reduced fertiliser application can lower yields, which in turn pushes up food prices—a critical concern in a region where households allocate a large share of income to food.While no immediate shortage has been declared, the combination of higher global energy prices, logistical bottlenecks and geopolitical risk makes the situation volatile. Authorities in all four countries are urging farmers to supplement chemical inputs with organic alternatives such as manure, compost and green manuring.For Ramesh Kumar and millions of his peers, the distant Gulf crisis is not an abstract geopolitical story; it is a daily calculation of whether they can afford to feed their families and meet essential expenses.

A Lebanese‑French visual artist, Ali Cherri, has lodged a formal complaint with the French war‑crimes unit in Paris, accusing Israel of committing a war crime after a 2024 airstrike on his family home in Beirut killed his parents and a domestic worker. The filing marks the first time a French court has taken up a case concerning Israel’s bombing of Lebanon and is an unusual move by an individual to pursue war‑crimes accountability. Israel has faced repeated accusations of violating international humanitarian law in Lebanon and Gaza, including attacks on civilians, medical facilities and forced displacement, yet no Israeli officials have been prosecuted to date. Cherri said, "Our demand is that an investigation is opened so that we know for a fact what happened, to name this attack as a war crime against civilians, and hopefully be able to name the people responsible." The apartment, built by his grandparents in central Beirut, was struck a few hours before a cease‑fire between Hezbollah and Israel took effect on 26 November 2024. The 13‑month conflict had already claimed roughly 4,000 Lebanese lives. The blast, which gave no prior evacuation warning, destroyed three floors, killing Cherri’s 86‑year‑old father Mahmoud Naib Cherri, 76‑year‑old mother Nadira Hayek, their employee Birki Negesa and four other civilians. In February, Amnesty International’s investigation concluded there was no military target at the time of the strike and urged that the incident be examined as a war crime. Forensic Architecture, a UK‑based investigative group that helped draft the complaint, produced a 3‑D reconstruction of the building and identified the munition as a GBU‑39 guided bomb – a 250 lb US‑made weapon frequently used by Israel in Lebanon and Gaza. The analysis underscored the targeted nature of the attack and, according to the group, demonstrated direct responsibility of the Israeli army. Amnesty International’s regional director for the Middle East and North Africa, Heba Morayef, called the French civil complaint “a rare opportunity” to hold Israel accountable in a European court, given the usual impunity. The case arrives amid renewed hostilities: on 2 March Hezbollah fired rockets at Israel, prompting an Israeli aerial campaign and ground invasion that has killed 1,318 people so far. Photographer Mohammed Shehab, who collaborated with Forensic Architecture on the Cherri investigation, was himself killed in an Israeli strike on 11 March, which also claimed his infant daughter’s life and wounded his wife – an incident the group described as “circumstances similar” to the Cherri bombing. While Cherri doubts any Israeli officials will face criminal charges, he insists that filing the suit is a moral duty to give a voice to victims who cannot pursue legal recourse themselves.

The Unicorn Theatre's production of 'A Midsummer Night's Dream' is a playful and punchy adaptation of Shakespeare's romantic comedy, made accessible to a young audience. Co-directors Rachel Bagshaw and Robin Belfield have trimmed down the original language while incorporating slapstick comedy and playful captions.The production feels like the start of a brilliant venture, still finding its feet. The editing is smart, but could have been more radical. The framing story in Athens has been cut down but not excised, making it harder to understand.The magical elements are kept low-key and gently engaging, with Titania's fairies conjured up using childlike voiceovers, Holly Khan's delicate soundscape, and Will Monks' entrancing word projections. Joséphine-Fransilja Brookman's Puck is an impish schoolkid who climbs up balconies, jumps on tyre swings, and causes mischief.The standout star is Emmy Stonelake as Bottom, a natural comic and talented Shakespearean who raises big laughs without compromising the language. When Bottom is turned into a donkey, Stonelake cries out: “This is to make an ass of me!” and is met with big laughs and heavy sighs.The most lucid and enjoyable scenes are those with the rude mechanicals as they rehearse their (terrible) play. There's a whiff of the CBeebies panto to these encounters, with the actors dressed in neon costumes and delivering their gags with gusto. The hard-working ensemble jump from playing heartsick lovers to hammy actors with real aplomb.At the Unicorn theatre, London, until 10 May.

Chicago Bears owners are flirting with a move to Hammond, Indiana, after stalled tax talks stalled their Arlington Heights stadium plan. The prospect has ignited outrage from fans, Illinois Governor J.B. Pritzker, and even WWE star CM Punk, who called the maneuver “straight greed.” In response, U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders and Representative Greg Casar introduced the Home Team Act, legislation that would require professional‑sports owners to give their host community a one‑year window to purchase the team at fair market value before any cross‑state relocation. Casar emphasized that “sports in America should be about more than making billionaire owners richer,” noting that many municipalities have already poured billions into subsidies to keep profitable franchises at home. Sanders, a lifelong Brooklyn Dodgers fan, recalled the 1957 Dodgers’ move to Los Angeles as a formative moment that shaped his anti‑corporate stance. The Home Team Act defines relocation as any move that crosses state lines or shifts a franchise to a different metropolitan area. During the mandatory year, a broad range of buyers—including private individuals, municipalities, corporations, or community‑owned entities like the Green Bay Packers—could acquire the team at market price. The Packers’ unique structure, with over 500,000 shareholders and a cap of 200,000 shares per individual, has helped keep the team in Green Bay, though it remains an outlier. Relocation threats are common across the NFL and other leagues, typically driven by owners seeking future profit rather than current revenue. The bill’s co‑sponsor, California Congresswoman Lateefah Simon, points to Oakland’s recent loss of the Warriors, Raiders, and soon the Athletics as a cautionary tale: the exodus has crippled local businesses, eliminated jobs, and eroded cultural identity. Financially, the Bears are valued at roughly $8.9 billion. Even with wealthy backers, the fiscal burden on taxpayers to retain such a franchise would be massive, making community ownership an appealing yet largely theoretical solution. Passage of the Home Team Act faces steep hurdles. It must clear both chambers of Congress and win presidential approval from an administration friendly to billionaire team owners. Practical challenges also remain, such as defining the exact moment a relocation process begins and establishing an impartial method for fair‑market valuation. Nevertheless, proponents argue that if owners placed greater value on their communities, legislation like the Home Team Act might become unnecessary. For now, the bill represents a rare legislative attempt to rebalance power between affluent franchise owners and the fans and taxpayers who support them.

Amid the escalating United States‑Israel confrontation with Iran, parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf has emerged as an unexpected voice on financial strategy, posting a series of warnings on X that market‑moving headlines are often engineered to trigger profit‑taking. Ghalibaf’s core advice is simple yet provocative: if a headline inflates prices, bet against it; if it drags prices down, go long. He describes pre‑market news bursts as a “reverse indicator” designed to manipulate investors. His posts are laced with sarcasm, referencing alleged manipulation of oil futures and even joking about turning rhetoric into “actual fuel at the pump.” Behind the humor, analysts say, lies a calculated effort to exploit the overlap between digital propaganda and real‑world conflict. The backdrop to Ghalibaf’s messaging is Iran’s use of asymmetric warfare, notably the brief shutdown of the Strait of Hormuz—a chokepoint through which roughly 20% of global oil and LNG shipments pass. The closure sent crude prices soaring and heightened economic pressure worldwide, underscoring Tehran’s ability to influence U.S. markets by targeting critical supply routes. On March 22, Ghalibaf warned financial institutions that support U.S. military financing in the Middle East, declaring that U.S. Treasury bonds are “soaked in Iranians’ blood” and that their portfolios were under surveillance. Economist Jo Michell of the University of the West of England observes that falling equity markets, rising energy costs, and higher interest rates could eventually force President Donald Trump to seek a diplomatic exit from the conflict. Michell notes that Trump often delivers his most aggressive statements over weekends when markets are closed, only to retreat before the opening bell—a pattern traders have dubbed TACO (“Trump always chickens out”). Indeed, when Trump’s original 48‑hour deadline for Iran to reopen the Strait of Hormuz loomed, he extended it by five days and later pledged a further 10‑day pause on attacks against Iranian energy infrastructure, actions that analysts interpret as deliberate market signaling. Middle‑East specialist Zeidon Alkinani explains that the conflict’s volatility creates new leverage points beyond direct price manipulation. Even light‑hearted rhetoric from officials like Ghalibaf can exacerbate market instability, as investors scramble for any hint of the war’s trajectory. In this environment, uncertainty itself becomes a powerful market driver. Alkinani stresses that the significance of the Strait of Hormuz now extends beyond physical oil flow disruptions; it reshapes investor expectations and amplifies the impact of digital messaging, especially given Trump’s high‑visibility online presence. Overall, Ghalibaf’s social‑media campaign illustrates how Tehran is blending military pressure with information warfare, turning market sentiment into an additional front of the broader geopolitical struggle.