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The UK's food system is heavily dependent on oil, which is used for transportation, fertilizers, and other aspects of food production. This dependency on oil has been highlighted by recent global events, including the US-Israel war on Iran and Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Experts argue that the UK needs to take a more proactive approach to food security, rather than waiting for a crisis to occur. This includes diversifying food supplies, growing more of its own food, and engaging the public in protecting itself from future shocks. The UK's food system is also vulnerable to disruptions caused by climate breakdown, ransomware attacks, and other hybrid threats. To address this, the government needs to prioritize food security and develop a more comprehensive approach to protecting the country's food supply. Some of the key recommendations for improving food security in the UK include: Regionalizing food production to reduce reliance on long-distance transportation and promote local food systems. Applying defense-strategy thinking to food security, including protecting food supply chains from disruptions and attacks. Prioritizing public engagement and education on food security, including providing guidance on nutrition and resilience. Rebuilding a regional horticulture sector to increase domestic food production and reduce reliance on imports. Addressing food inequality and ensuring that everyone has access to nutritious food. Overall, the UK's food security crisis is a wake-up call for sustainable solutions. By taking a proactive and comprehensive approach, the country can reduce its vulnerabilities and ensure a more resilient food system for the future.

Europe is undergoing a significant transformation in its relationship with the US, marked by a growing desire for independence and a shift away from Trump's aggressive policies. The recent crisis in the Middle East, where Trump's threat to annihilate Iranian civilisation was temporarily called off, has been a turning point in this journey. Initially, many European leaders had tacitly supported the US and Israeli attack on Iran, driven by a desire for a transatlantic detente and antipathy towards the Iranian regime. However, as the war escalated, Europe's stance began to shift, with countries like Italy, Poland, and France taking steps to distance themselves from Trump's policies. The cooling of European support for the war has taken various forms, including Italy denying US warplanes permission to use an airbase in Sicily, Poland refusing to send Patriot air defence systems to the Middle East, and France rejecting overflight rights and opposing a US-sponsored resolution at the UN security council. This shift in European policy is driven by a number of factors, including the realisation that the war has been a windfall for Russia, through higher oil prices and a depletion of air defence interceptors available to Ukraine. European leaders have also been reminded that the erosion of international law is bad news for the world, Europe included. As Europe finds its footing in distancing itself from Trump, it may also find its voice. Europe's diplomatic role in the Iranian nuclear file in the early 2000s grew out of its opposition to the Iraq war. Today, the same dynamic could unfold, with Europe promoting a permanent end of hostilities and a multilateral initiative in the region. The proposal by a group of European, Gulf, and Asian countries to contribute to ensuring safe passage through the strait of Hormuz was originally aimed at placating Trump. Europeans then backed a UN-led fertiliser corridor to prevent a food crisis in the global south. The UK is also leading a coalition of more than 40 countries seeking to reopen the strait once the US and Israel definitively end their offensive. If a sustainable reopening of Hormuz succeeds, it could eventually extend to a new nuclear agreement, a non-aggression pact between the US and Iran, and a similar one between Israel and Iran – including Lebanon. It could involve the release of Iranian funds frozen abroad to rebuild infrastructure destroyed by US and Israeli attacks, and the selective lifting of EU and US sanctions.

The Norwegian Nobel Committee, which awards the Nobel Peace Prize, has publicly condemned Moscow’s latest effort to label the human‑rights organisation Memorial as an "extremist organisation". Chairman Jørgen Watne Frydnes said the committee is "deeply alarmed" by the Russian authorities’ attempt to dismantle a co‑recipient of the 2022 Peace Prize. According to the statement released on Wednesday, Russia’s Supreme Court is set to review a petition from the Ministry of Justice that seeks to add Memorial to the nation’s list of “undesirable” entities. If approved, the designation would ban the group from operating within Russia and expose anyone associated with it to up to four years in prison and substantial fines. Memorial, already branded a “foreign agent” and ordered dissolved by the Supreme Court at the end of 2021, would see all of its activities criminalised under the new petition, Frydnes warned. He added that even sharing the organisation’s published material could lead to imprisonment. “To designate such an organisation as extremist is an affront to the fundamental values of human dignity and freedom of expression,” Frydnes asserted, urging Russian officials to withdraw the claim immediately and cease all harassment of Memorial and its members. Memorial shared the 2022 Nobel Peace Prize with Ukraine’s Centre for Civil Liberties and Belarusian activist Ales Bialiatski. Founded in 1987, Memorial specialises in documenting human‑rights violations across Russia and once operated a network of roughly 50 affiliated groups both inside and outside the country. Several of these affiliates continue their work from bases in Germany, France and Italy. Key figures from Memorial have faced criminal proceedings in Russia. Notably, activist Oleg Orlov, who was sentenced for speaking out against the war in Ukraine, was released in a 2024 prisoner exchange and now works abroad to continue documenting abuses. The committee’s statement concludes with a direct appeal: Russian authorities should immediately rescind the extremist label and halt any further intimidation of the organisation and its supporters.

British Prime Minister Keir Starmer told reporters that the United Kingdom has a "job" to assist in reopening the Strait of Hormuz after reports that the vital oil corridor was blocked again just hours after a tentative cease‑fire was announced. The leader arrived at the King Fahd airbase in Taif, Saudi Arabia, where he met with British and local staff before embarking on a broader diplomatic tour of Gulf allies. The visit mirrors his recent push to shape a cease‑fire framework for Ukraine. While officials describe the trip as complementary to the Pakistan‑mediated talks between Washington and Tehran, many Gulf observers see Starmer as a more predictable partner than a United‑States administration that has been criticised for its unpredictable stance. The cease‑fire, brokered barely an hour before a deadline set by the U.S. president, included a clause to reopen Hormuz. Starmer’s itinerary follows a UK‑led gathering of military planners that explored practical steps for achieving that goal. Iran’s state news agency, Fars, claimed that Israeli actions in Lebanon breached the cease‑fire, prompting a fresh blockage of oil tankers in the strait. Later on Wednesday, Starmer is scheduled to meet Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Their agenda is expected to cover the removal of Iranian mines and the insurance of tankers that rely on the Hormuz route for global oil shipments. "There are many practicalities and moving parts involved; this cannot be switched on instantly," a UK official explained, underscoring the complexity of the task. Addressing the media at the airbase, Starmer acknowledged the temporary relief provided by the cease‑fire but warned that the situation remains in its early stages. He emphasized that the UK’s priority is a permanent solution that restores full maritime traffic. "The impact on our energy prices is evident – we have seen daily fluctuations over the past 39 days. It is our responsibility to ensure the strait remains open so that the world’s energy needs are met and UK fuel prices stabilise," he said. Starmer has previously drawn criticism from former President Donald Trump for refusing to back the initial U.S.–Israeli strike on Iran and for limiting U.S. use of British bases to defensive missions, such as targeting Iranian missile sites. When asked about the risk of the UK becoming entangled in the conflict, Starmer reiterated that Britain acts only in collective self‑defence and that his mandate is to protect British lives and national interests, which includes keeping Hormuz open. The remainder of his Gulf itinerary has not been disclosed, and it remains unclear which other regional capitals he will visit after Saudi Arabia. One government source summed up the mission: "The cease‑fire is welcome, but the decisive factor for the British public will be a fully operational Hormuz Strait, which will have the greatest impact on domestic energy costs." The source likened Starmer’s role to his earlier effort in assembling the "coalition of the willing" that pledged to back any peace settlement in Ukraine, noting that this is his first opportunity to demonstrate solidarity with Middle‑East allies.

Russia has officially confirmed that 16 Cameroonian soldiers have been killed while fighting in its ongoing war against Ukraine. This marks the first time Cameroon has publicly discussed the involvement of its nationals in the conflict.In a statement broadcast on state media, the Foreign Ministry of Cameroon urged the families of the deceased to contact officials in the capital city of Yaounde. A diplomatic note referred to the deceased as 'military contractors of Cameroonian nationality' operating in a special military operation zone, a term Russia uses to describe Ukraine.The confirmation comes amid reports of foreigners from various nations being pulled into Russia's invasion forces. Cameroon has warned its citizens against taking part in foreign conflicts, and its defence minister has expressed concern about soldiers leaving the country to join the war in Ukraine.Ukraine has reported that over 1,700 Africans are fighting for Russia, though analysts believe the true figure may be higher. Several African countries have reported that their citizens have been tricked into fighting for Russia with promises of lucrative jobs or skills training.Other nations have also reported citizens being recruited to fight in Ukraine. For example, Kenya's parliament was presented with an intelligence report stating that 1,000 Kenyans were recruited after being misled with false promises of jobs. Two Nigerians were killed late last year while fighting for Russia, according to Ukraine's intelligence agency.Russian authorities have denied illegally recruiting African citizens to fight in Ukraine. However, young men from South Asia have also joined the Russian army after being promised lucrative salaries and benefits. At least 202 Indian nationals have been recruited, with at least 26 killed, according to India's Foreign Ministry.

Israel's latest invasion of Lebanon has resulted in a massive displacement of over 1.2 million people, including 350,000 children, making it one of the world's fastest-growing and most severe displacement crises. Since March 2, Israeli forces have launched over 1,840 attacks on Lebanon, killing more than 1,497 people and injuring over 4,639, according to Lebanon's Ministry of Public Health. The Israeli army claims it is targeting strongholds of the Iranian-backed group Hezbollah in southern Lebanon. Israel's Defense Minister, Israel Katz, stated that Israel plans to destroy Lebanese border towns and continue its occupation of southern Lebanon. The conflict has led to 20% of Lebanon's 5.9 million population being displaced, with one in five people affected. This crisis ranks among the top 10 displacement crises in recent years, according to UNHCR's 2025 data. Attacks have been concentrated in areas such as Bint Jbeil, Nabatieh, Tyre, Marjayoun, and Sidon, with over 2,000 attacks reported between March 2 and March 27. Israel carried out 1,840 of these attacks, mostly air or drone strikes and shelling. The destruction of bridges and crossings in southern Lebanon aims to isolate communities, with the Dalafa bridge and roads between villages like Sohmor and Yohmor being targeted. This has severe implications for access to hospitals and public services. Israel's evacuation orders now cover over 1,470sq km (568sq miles), or about 14% of Lebanon's territory, approaching the scale of Russian occupation in Ukraine.

Karim Baksh of Dasht, a remote Balochistan village, once relied on a diesel‑powered pump to irrigate his watermelon fields. After the 2022 Russia‑Ukraine war drove diesel prices sky‑high, he could no longer afford the fuel, forcing him to cut back his cultivated area. In 2023 he took a gamble: borrowing 300,000 Pakistani rupees (≈ $1,075) from relatives and installing a modest row of solar panels. Three years later, the panels run his pump without diesel, letting him water his crops even as global oil markets tumble amid the US‑Israel war on Iran and the temporary closure of the Strait of Hormuz, through which 20% of world oil and gas normally flows. Baksh’s experience reflects a broader national shift. Pakistan imports about 80% of its oil via the Hormuz chokepoint and sources 99% of its LNG from Qatar and the UAE. A Council on Foreign Relations report warns that a prolonged closure could trigger severe power shortages, factory shutdowns, and transport disruptions. Yet a quiet solar revolution is building resilience. Since 2018, rooftop solar installations have saved Pakistan over $12 billion in fuel imports, and at current prices the sector is projected to save another $6.3 billion this year alone. According to the independent think‑tank EMBER, solar’s share of the national energy mix surged from 2.9% in 2020 to 32.3% in 2025. This growth is not the result of a single government plan but of millions of individual decisions—farmers swapping diesel pumps, businesses installing panels, and households seeking reliable electricity. In urban centres such as Lahore and Karachi, solar rooftops are commonplace. Homeowners typically recoup installation costs within a few years, enjoy free electricity thereafter, and can even sell surplus power back to the grid through net‑metering. By 2025, 25% of Pakistani households use solar in some form, up from 15% in 2023, with over 280,000 consumers now participating in net‑metering schemes. However, the benefits are uneven. The upfront cost of a 3 kW system—about 450,000 rupees ($1,610)—and larger commercial setups costing up to 2.2 million rupees ($7,874) remain out of reach for many low‑income families. Analysts warn that non‑solar users, largely poorer households, are subsidising the grid usage of solar owners. Net‑metering has already shifted an estimated 159 billion rupees (≈ $570 million) of costs onto other consumers, raising concerns about a two‑tier energy system. The rapid expansion is powered largely by imports from China, which controls roughly 80% of the global solar supply chain. Chinese lithium‑ion batteries, now 20% cheaper than in 2024, enable storage for nighttime use, further reducing reliance on the national grid. Solar panel prices have plummeted: from 100‑120 rupees per watt in the early 2010s to about 30 rupees per watt today. This price collapse, combined with electricity shortages and rising tariffs after the 2022 oil price spike, made solar an attractive alternative for those able to invest. Government policy has been mixed. A 2015 net‑metering scheme encouraged adoption by offering roughly 25 rupees ($0.090) per kilowatt‑hour for exported power and by reducing import taxes on panels. More recently, concerns over the financial strain on the power sector led to a cut in the buy‑back rate to about 10 rupees ($0.036) per kilowatt‑hour. For Baksh, the policy shifts matter little. His solar‑powered pump guarantees water for his watermelons regardless of diesel price swings or geopolitical turmoil. He plans to expand his solar array, increase production, and ship his harvest to larger markets in Quetta and Karachi. In a region where temperatures can soar to 51 °C (124 °F), the sun has become a reliable ally—ensuring that, for farmers like Baksh, “the water keeps flowing no matter what.”

Donald Trump's open threats to commit war crimes in Iran have raised concerns about his impunity. The US Supreme Court's recent ruling in Trump v United States has given him reason to believe he can act with impunity within the US. However, there are international options for prosecution that lie beyond the court's lawless license.Trump's plan to bomb Iran and destroy civilian infrastructure, such as desalination plants, electrical-generating facilities, and bridges, would violate international humanitarian law's rule of proportionality. The destruction of civilian infrastructure would have a disproportionate impact on civilians, and therefore, it is not justified.The International Criminal Court (ICC) has charged Russian military commanders with war crimes for attacking electrical infrastructure in Ukraine. Similarly, Trump's actions could be prosecuted as war crimes. However, the ICC has no jurisdiction over crimes committed on Iranian territory since Iran is not a member of the ICC.There are alternative routes for prosecution. The Iranian government could join the ICC and grant it retroactive jurisdiction, similar to what Ukraine did to allow prosecution of Russian war crimes. Additionally, under the concept of universal jurisdiction, governments can use their national courts to prosecute certain crimes even if committed by non-nationals abroad.A group of countries, such as the European Union, NATO, or the G7, could establish an international tribunal to address crimes committed in Iran, including war crimes and aggression. This would allow Trump to be prosecuted as soon as the tribunal is established, without waiting for him to leave office.

The threat of bombing Iran back to the 'stone ages' by US President Donald Trump has raised concerns about the morality, legality, and utility of such a campaign. In 2006, Israel bombed Lebanon's Jiyeh power station, causing a massive oil spill and significant damage. However, this did not prevent Hezbollah from rearming and continuing to fight. Similarly, Russia's sustained bombardment of Ukraine has not forced the country to concede. History has shown that bombing campaigns, including the British 'area bombing' of Germany in World War II and the US Rolling Thunder campaign against North Vietnam, have not always achieved their desired outcomes. Experts argue that bombing Iran's infrastructure would not change the regime's strategic calculus and would likely give the Iranian government a powerful propaganda tool. The US lacks a credible military option to force Iran into submission, and pressure alone may not be enough to break Tehran. The effectiveness of bombing campaigns in achieving war objectives is highly contested. The article cites the example of the British bomber command's promise to bring about the collapse of Germany within four months, which ultimately proved unsuccessful. Trump's threat to bomb Iran's infrastructure has been met with skepticism by experts, who argue that it is unlikely to achieve its desired outcome and may instead escalate the situation.