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The Masters 2026 has taken a dramatic turn as Rory McIlroy and Cameron Young find themselves tied for the lead heading into the final round at Augusta National. McIlroy, the holder of the Green Jacket, began the day with a six-shot lead but faltered with a 73, while Young surged with a 65 to join McIlroy at 11 under par.McIlroy's round was marked by struggles, including a bogey on the opening hole and a double bogey on the 11th. Despite recovering with a birdie on the 14th, he ended the day with a disappointing performance. Young, on the other hand, displayed an unflappable attitude, having played his last stretch in 15 under par since his first round.Young's standing is particularly notable given his recent Players Championship success. His ability to manage his emotions and stay focused will be crucial on Masters Sunday. McIlroy, while desperate to retain his title, has the advantage of having emerged successfully from similar situations before.The final round promises to be intense, with a pack of players, including Sam Burns and Shane Lowry, close behind. Lowry, who aced the 6th hole, is just two shots off the lead and remains in contention. Other players, such as Scottie Scheffler and Li Haotong, also have a chance to make a move.As the players prepare for the final round, McIlroy acknowledged the challenge ahead, stating, 'I didn't quite have it today. I'll need to be better tomorrow.' The stage is set for an exciting conclusion to the Masters 2026.

Connor King, a 29-year-old trainer from County Tipperary, is on the verge of achieving one of the most remarkable upsets in Grand National history with his horse, Oscars Brother. King's humble beginnings in the racing world, with just two horses in his stable and fewer than 30 runners in his entire training career, make his potential victory all the more extraordinary. King's journey to the Grand National is a fairytale-like story that began with his brother, Daniel, purchasing Oscars Brother for just €8,000. The horse has since become a compelling argument against the notion that the Grand National has lost its heart and soul due to changes in the course and race conditions over the years. Despite the odds being against him, King remains optimistic about his chances, stating that Oscars Brother has the potential to improve over the marathon four-and-a-quarter mile trip at Aintree on Saturday. The horse's performance in the Brown Advisory Novice Chase at Cheltenham last month, where he finished fourth out of 18-1 odds, has raised hopes for King's underdog story. The Grand National, known for its unpredictability, has seen a shift in recent years with younger chasers and novice runners standing a better chance of winning. This change has given hope to trainers like King, who are looking to make a name for themselves in the competitive world of horse racing. For King, having a runner in the Grand National is already a victory, as the exposure and attention have been invaluable for his young training career. As he prepares for the big event, King is focused on enjoying the experience and taking it all in, knowing that it doesn't happen every day.

Roberto De Zerbi, the new head coach of Tottenham, recently apologized for his past comments about Mason Greenwood, a forward he managed at Marseille. De Zerbi's apology was seen as insufficient by some, as it focused on his self-description rather than taking accountability for his words. Greenwood had denied charges of attempted rape, controlling and coercive behavior, and assault occasioning actual bodily harm in 2022, and the case was discontinued. The conversation around De Zerbi and Greenwood has brought the issue of male violence against women back to the center of football's public discourse. Research has shown that men who perpetrate serious harm rarely identify themselves as perpetrators, and instead displace blame onto the victim, alcohol, or circumstance. This is why character references, although sincerely offered, are often inadequate in addressing the issue. Male violence against women is not an isolated issue, but rather a product of societal norms that shape what is seen, named, and tolerated. The World Health Organization and decades of academic research on gender and masculinity have consistently identified these norms as the root cause of the problem. Football is not immune to this issue, and research has shown that strong group cultures in sport can inhibit men from speaking up against harmful behavior. Men in positions of power, such as De Zerbi, have a responsibility to use their platform to speak out against male violence and to educate others about the impact of their behavior. Genuine ownership and accountability require men to name what was wrong with their actions, accept the impact of their behavior, and commit to not repeating it. De Zerbi's response fell short of this standard, and instead offered a character reference for himself. Football has a unique influence on society, particularly among young men, and it is essential that players, managers, and clubs use this influence to shape positive attitudes and behaviors. The heat generated by this incident has put male violence against women on the front pages of sports coverage, and it is crucial that the game uses this momentum to have a serious conversation about what it teaches, tolerates, and expects of men at every level.

The Colin Currie Group has released an album of Steve Reich's works, The Sextets, to celebrate the composer's 90th birthday and the group's 20th anniversary. Formed to honor Reich's 70th birthday with a performance of Drumming, the group has now released its fourth Reich album on Currie's own label.The Sextets, from 1985, features two keyboardists playing piano and synthesizers alongside four percussionists on various instruments. The recording, led by Colin Currie, showcases subtle nuances with a naturalistic sound that is less closely mic'd than Reich's own classic accounts.The album also includes Six Marimbas, a rescoring of 1973's Six Pianos, and The Double Sextet, composed in 2007, which features instrumentalists performing against a recording of themselves. Dance Patterns, written for choreographer Anne Teresa de Keersmaeker, rounds out the album.Currie's relaxed approach to the music results in a chilled and enjoyable interpretation, with Six Marimbas clocking in at 22 minutes, compared to Reich's 16-minute version.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi warned on Thursday that it would be "dumb" for the United States to permit Israel to jeopardise the newly‑declared regional ceasefire by persisting with its intense bombardment of Lebanon, a campaign that has already claimed hundreds of lives. Araghchi noted that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s corruption trial is set to resume on Sunday, suggesting the prime minister may have ulterior motives for sustaining the fighting. He wrote on social media that a ceasefire encompassing Lebanon would "hasten his jailing," implying that the truce could pressure Netanyahu’s legal woes. Addressing Washington directly, Araghchi said: "If the US wishes to crater its economy by letting Netanyahu kill diplomacy, that would ultimately be its choice. We think that would be dumb but are prepared for it." The statement echoes language used by U.S. Vice President JD Vance the previous day, who warned that Iran would find it "dumb" to let the ceasefire collapse over Lebanon, yet framed it as a choice for Tehran. Since the ceasefire was announced on Tuesday, the dispute over whether it applies to Lebanon has become a central obstacle to sustaining the truce. Iranian officials and media have hinted that Tehran could respond militarily to Israel’s assault on Lebanon or even block the Strait of Hormuz to enforce a Lebanon‑wide ceasefire. President Donald Trump told NBC News that he had spoken with Netanyahu and urged the Israeli government to "scale back" its operations in Lebanon, describing the approach as "low‑key." Vance also reported that Israeli officials had agreed to "check themselves a little bit in Lebanon." Despite these diplomatic overtures, the violence shows no sign of abating. The death toll from recent Israeli strikes in Lebanon has already surpassed 300, marking one of the deadliest days in the country’s recent history. On Thursday, Israel launched several new attacks, including a strike that killed four rescuers in the southern town of Borj Qalaouiye, and issued a displacement order for Beirut’s Jnah district, home to two major hospitals and tens of thousands of residents and displaced persons. The United States has a track record of asserting that Israel will curb its military actions, only to witness continued strikes. In 2024, the Biden administration insisted that Israel’s operation in Rafah was "limited," yet the Israeli military ultimately razed nearly every structure in the city, a tactic now hinted at for southern Lebanon. The Lebanese conflict escalated into full‑scale war in early March after Hezbollah fired rockets in retaliation for Israeli strikes and following the killing of Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on February 28. Since a separate November 2024 ceasefire, Israel has maintained near‑daily attacks on Lebanon, targeting civilian infrastructure and deepening the humanitarian crisis.

The conflict that erupted in April 2023 between Sudan’s army and the Rapid Support Forces has driven the country’s humanitarian situation to catastrophic levels, according to the international non‑governmental organisation Humanity & Inclusion.Three years on, the NGO warns that civilians are enduring a deepening crisis, while people with disabilities are confronting extreme challenges as violence continues, essential services crumble, and unexploded ordnance spreads across former battle zones.Humanity & Inclusion estimates that 11.6 million Sudanese have been displaced by the fighting, and that **more than 33 million people now require humanitarian assistance**—roughly half the nation’s population. By the end of January 2026, over **3 million displaced individuals had begun returning home**, including **700,000 who had fled abroad**. Most of these returns have been to states where hostilities have eased, such as Khartoum, the Blue Nile and Gezira regions.The organisation highlights that **4.6 million Sudanese—about 16 % of the total population—live with disabilities**. In conflict‑affected areas this proportion is likely higher due to war‑related injuries, trauma, and deteriorating health conditions. The NGO stresses that disabled persons “face extreme challenges in fleeing violence, accessing aid, and protecting themselves from harm,” and are often among “the first to be left behind,” exposing them to heightened risks of violence, abuse, discrimination and exclusion.Adding to the peril, Humanity & Inclusion points to the lingering presence of **explosive remnants of war**, describing them as a “new and deadly danger” for millions returning to their homes. Unexploded ordnance—including antipersonnel mines—has contaminated former front lines, residential areas, schools, hospitals, places of worship and roadways, severely restricting access to essential services and livelihoods.These findings underscore the urgent need for intensified humanitarian response, targeted protection measures for people with disabilities, and comprehensive clearance of explosive hazards to prevent further civilian casualties and enable the safe return of displaced populations.

Vice President JD Vance warned Iran that jeopardising the US‑Iran ceasefire over Lebanon would be "dumb", emphasizing that the United States expects the truce to remain intact despite Tehran’s frustrations. Pakistan, which brokered the two‑week ceasefire, publicly stated that Lebanon is part of the agreement. Vance, speaking to reporters in Hungary, countered that the United States does not consider Israel’s ongoing strikes on Lebanon as covered by the ceasefire. "If Iran wants to let this negotiation fall apart – in a conflict where they were getting hammered – over Lebanon, which has nothing to do with them and which the United States never once said was part of the ceasefire, that’s ultimately their choice," Vance said, adding, "We think that would be dumb, but that’s their choice." Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi echoed Pakistan’s position, highlighting Lebanon in his repost of Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s statement and asserting that the ceasefire terms are clear: the US must choose either a ceasefire or continued war via Israel. President Donald Trump and the White House, however, maintain that Lebanon was not part of the deal. Vance dismissed the contradictory messages as a "misunderstanding" and "bad faith propaganda," suggesting the Iranians mistakenly believed Lebanon was included. The lack of a clear explanation from US officials leaves observers questioning how such a misunderstanding could arise amid high‑stakes diplomacy. Israel’s track record of breaching ceasefires dates back to the November 2024 truce with Lebanon. On Wednesday, Israeli air strikes in Lebanon killed at least 254 people and injured more than 1,100, marking one of the deadliest assaults in the 15‑month conflict. Vance indicated that Israel has signaled a willingness to temper its operations in Lebanon, stating the Israelis have "committed to check themselves a little bit in Lebanon" to ensure the US‑Iran negotiations stay on track. The broader conflict intensified in early March after Hezbollah launched rockets in retaliation for Israeli attacks and the killing of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. Hezbollah now faces internal pressure from rival factions accusing it of dragging Lebanon into war on Iran’s behalf. Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) issued a stark warning: if Israeli aggression against Lebanon does not cease immediately, the IRGC will deliver a "regretful response" to what it called "evil aggressors" in the region.

On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom’s electorate shifted from party‑centric voting to a binary choice between staying in or leaving the European Union. A decade later, about 60 % of the population still define themselves by the side they chose in that single referendum, turning a one‑off political decision into a lasting personal identity.While analysts often focus on the policy fallout—economic turbulence, party infighting, and shifting trade relations—the real impact runs deeper. The referendum ignited a civil‑war‑like split that continues to shape elections, media narratives, and everyday conversations across the country.Before the global upheavals of the George Floyd protests and the Covid‑19 vaccine rollout, Brexit was Britain’s most potent form of identity politics. It spawned new media outlets, such as GB News, and programmes like The Rest Is Politics, while also marginalising older cultural tropes like the “centrist dad” or “gammon” heckler on Question Time. Figures such as Nigel Farage and Zack Polanski now occupy the political fringe rather than the mainstream.The analysis draws on the new book Tribal Politics: How Brexit Divided Britain by political scientists Sara Hobolt and James Tilley. Their longitudinal surveys reveal a simple yet striking pattern: the referendum transformed a previously lukewarm public attitude toward the EU into a powerful, identity‑based habit.Prior to 2016, most Britons held only a mild Euroscepticism and gave the EU little thought. Even former Prime Minister David Cameron tried to silence the issue in 2006, believing it failed to engage voters. The sudden elevation of a niche concern to a national obsession forced ordinary citizens to pick a side, discuss it in pubs, and embed it into their self‑image—a process James Clear describes as building “identity‑based habits”.Data from Hobolt and Tilley show that emotional attachment to the Brexit identity was modest before the vote, rose sharply as the referendum approached, and surged dramatically after the result was announced. The post‑vote period saw a flood of EU‑themed merchandise, street rallies, and even flag‑clashes at cultural events such as the 2017 Last Night of the Proms.Crucially, the tribal divide has not faded. By 2025, only around 40 % of “Leavers” feel comfortable discussing politics with “Remainers”, and the sentiment is reciprocated. This goes beyond mere disagreement; it reflects a level of social discrimination where individuals on opposite sides would hesitate to share a home or marry into each other’s families.The authors note that the split now extends to perceptions of reality itself. Even in 2024, Remainers and Leavers disagreed on basic economic indicators, illustrating how the referendum reshaped not just policy preferences but fundamental worldviews.Class‑based voting, which dominated the 20th‑century British political landscape, has been largely supplanted by this new cultural cleavage. A previous study co‑authored by Tilley showed that the Labour Party’s turn toward the political centre in the 1990s eroded traditional working‑class loyalty. Today, leader Keir Starmer’s working‑class credentials appear largely symbolic, offering little substantive change.With class politics receded, culture wars have taken centre stage. The Brexit campaign’s vague promises about trade left the nation with a protracted, messy adjustment period. Immigration, famously dubbed the “baseball bat” issue by Dominic Cummings, remains the most polarising policy divide, followed by foreign aid and even the death penalty.Hobolt and Tilley’s most striking chart shows that while Remainers and Leavers clash over immigration, they share little disagreement on economic equality, workers’ rights, or public ownership—issues that directly affect household incomes. This suggests that the political battle is driven more by symbolic identity than by material concerns, benefitting those already financially secure.In sum, the United Kingdom’s post‑Brexit reality is one of entrenched tribalism, where a single referendum has reshaped social bonds, political discourse, and perceptions of truth itself. The nation continues to grapple with the legacy of a vote that turned a policy decision into a lasting cultural fault line.

Europe is undergoing a significant transformation in its relationship with the US, marked by a growing desire for independence and a shift away from Trump's aggressive policies. The recent crisis in the Middle East, where Trump's threat to annihilate Iranian civilisation was temporarily called off, has been a turning point in this journey. Initially, many European leaders had tacitly supported the US and Israeli attack on Iran, driven by a desire for a transatlantic detente and antipathy towards the Iranian regime. However, as the war escalated, Europe's stance began to shift, with countries like Italy, Poland, and France taking steps to distance themselves from Trump's policies. The cooling of European support for the war has taken various forms, including Italy denying US warplanes permission to use an airbase in Sicily, Poland refusing to send Patriot air defence systems to the Middle East, and France rejecting overflight rights and opposing a US-sponsored resolution at the UN security council. This shift in European policy is driven by a number of factors, including the realisation that the war has been a windfall for Russia, through higher oil prices and a depletion of air defence interceptors available to Ukraine. European leaders have also been reminded that the erosion of international law is bad news for the world, Europe included. As Europe finds its footing in distancing itself from Trump, it may also find its voice. Europe's diplomatic role in the Iranian nuclear file in the early 2000s grew out of its opposition to the Iraq war. Today, the same dynamic could unfold, with Europe promoting a permanent end of hostilities and a multilateral initiative in the region. The proposal by a group of European, Gulf, and Asian countries to contribute to ensuring safe passage through the strait of Hormuz was originally aimed at placating Trump. Europeans then backed a UN-led fertiliser corridor to prevent a food crisis in the global south. The UK is also leading a coalition of more than 40 countries seeking to reopen the strait once the US and Israel definitively end their offensive. If a sustainable reopening of Hormuz succeeds, it could eventually extend to a new nuclear agreement, a non-aggression pact between the US and Iran, and a similar one between Israel and Iran – including Lebanon. It could involve the release of Iranian funds frozen abroad to rebuild infrastructure destroyed by US and Israeli attacks, and the selective lifting of EU and US sanctions.