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Australia’s recent fuel squeeze is reshaping the second‑hand car market, with used electric vehicles (EVs) now commanding higher prices while traditional petrol and diesel models face steep discounts.MotorMetrics’ live inventory data shows that dealers have lifted prices on a range of EVs, most notably a more than 6% increase for the Tesla Model Y during the final two weeks of March. Similar upward pressure is evident for the Model 3, MG4 and Polestar 2, indicating dealer confidence that new stock will settle at these elevated levels.At the same time, the supply of used EVs is tightening, creating a classic demand‑supply imbalance that fuels price growth.Conversely, the same data reveal that many used diesel and petrol vehicles have been slashed by as much as 20%, reflecting a rapid shift in consumer preference toward electric power as fuel costs climb.Rental platform Turo reports a 70% jump in bookings for EVs and hybrids compared with the same period last year. Managing director Rob Chan describes the surge as a “unique wave of consumer interest” reminiscent only of the post‑pandemic “revenge travel” boom.Australia’s EV fleet is expanding steadily; the Electric Vehicle Council estimates that over 454,000 battery‑electric and plug‑in hybrid vehicles were on the road at the end of 2025, giving EVs roughly 13% of new car purchases. Analysts expect this share to rise further as more models enter the market and charging infrastructure improves.Economist Peter Esho warns that while oil shocks are not new, this one “could very well be one of the last”, as the current price environment makes EVs a financially sensible alternative for many drivers.Petrol prices rose almost daily throughout March across major cities, only easing after a government fuel‑excise cut. In parallel, Commonwealth Bank data shows a 161% increase in weekly loan volume for new battery‑electric vehicles in March versus February, underscoring growing consumer financing for EVs.Individual stories echo the broader trend. Sydney motorist Har Rai Singh, who rented several EVs through Turo to test long‑distance capability, says he now sees little reason to stick with a combustion engine, noting that “people are waiting for petrol pumps and paying over $100 to fill a tank – it doesn’t make sense any more to hold on to a combustion engine.”

Thousands of Muqtada al‑Sadr’s followers took to the streets of Baghdad and several other Iraqi cities on Saturday, staging one of the largest anti‑war rallies in recent memory. Demonstrators brandished Iraqi flags while chanting slogans such as “No, no to Israel” and “No, no to America,” signaling broad opposition to the escalating conflict. Iraq, already caught in a web of regional hostilities, has endured attacks aimed at both U.S. interests and pro‑Iranian groups within its borders. The protests underscore the country’s growing frustration at being drawn into a war it did not initiate. In the heart of Baghdad’s Tahrir Square, crowds—including women—filled the avenues, their voices amplified by a palpable sense of urgency. “What America and Israel are doing is not a conventional military operation but a senseless war,” declared Dhirgham Samir, a 40‑year‑old participant, speaking to AFP. Samir added that the demonstration represented a broader rejection of “aggression, arrogance and injustice” worldwide, emphasizing that civilians are the primary victims of this conflict. Since the war began, thousands of casualties have been reported across the region, a grim statistic that fuels public anger. Al‑Sadr himself called for peaceful rallies aimed at condemning what he described as “Zionist‑American aggression” and urging a return to regional stability. His appeal resonated with many, reflecting his deep-rooted influence among Iraq’s Shia majority. Protesters gathered beneath Baghdad’s Freedom Monument, a symbol of the nation’s independence, to denounce perceived foreign meddling. Muslim leader Ali al‑Fartousi told AFP, “Humanity must speak out against these forces; the world must unite against Zionist‑American arrogance.” Al‑Sadr commands a loyal base numbering in the millions and has repeatedly demonstrated an ability to mobilise large crowds. Though he has opposed various Iraqi governments over the years, his network extends into ministries and state institutions, amplifying the political weight of today’s demonstrations.

Prime Minister Keir Starmer seized the launch of a new package of workers’ rights, due to take effect on Monday, to launch a direct attack on the Green Party and Reform UK. He warned that supporting any rival would place recent gains in sick pay, parental leave and the curbing of zero‑hours contracts in jeopardy. Speaking ahead of the May 7 local elections, Starmer framed Labour’s agenda as the only one offering a "serious, credible economic strategy" capable of delivering the reforms. He dismissed business critics as "vested interests" who had warned against the measures. The reforms include several headline‑making changes: the two‑child benefit cap is lifted – a demand long championed by child‑poverty advocates – and the government touts this as one of its proudest achievements. A 4.8% rise in the state pension will raise weekly payments to £241.30, while the standard allowance for Universal Credit climbs by 2.3%. Under the Employment Rights Act 2025, statutory sick pay becomes a right from the first day of illness, and workers will be entitled to paternity and unpaid parental leave immediately upon starting a job. These "day‑one rights" are presented as the most significant strengthening of workers’ protections in a generation. Labour is positioning these policies as a bulwark against potential losses in English council and mayoral contests, where it faces challenges from Reform on the right and the Greens on the left. Recent YouGov data placed the Greens and Reform each at 21%** of voting intention, with Labour trailing at **17%**. Starmer’s rhetoric signals a leftward shift within Labour, amid pressure from potential leadership rivals such as Angela Rayner and Andy Burnham. He acknowledged past opposition from business leaders who warned of costs and disruption, but asserted that Labour chose to stand with "working people". Not all left‑wing allies are satisfied. Unite’s General Secretary Sharon Graham criticised the Employment Rights Act as "a shell of its former self," while the union recently slashed its membership fees to Labour over disputes like the Birmingham bin strike. The Conservative Party, represented by Kemi Badenoch, condemned the removal of the two‑child benefit cap, claiming it would cost billions and "reward worklessness". Government analysis estimates the change will channel at least £1 billion annually to 186,000 work‑less households, with a typical family of two unemployed adults and three children seeing a **£6,400** income boost. The bulk of the benefit is projected to flow to a handful of cities – Leeds, Manchester, Birmingham, Bradford and Glasgow – each set to receive over **£200 million** per year. Starmer likened the current reforms to the Blair government’s introduction of the minimum wage 27 years ago, positioning them as a historic step forward for the UK labour market.

When Corentin Roudaut arrived in Paris a decade ago, he swapped his student‑era bike for a car, daunted by the city’s traffic and lack of cyclist protection. After a protected lane opened on Boulevard Voltaire in the 11th arrondissement, he reclaimed his two‑wheel commute and now volunteers with the cycling advocacy group Paris en Selle, witnessing a city that has shed its car‑centric image.Roudaut notes that the shift “started slowly but really accelerated in the last ten years,” with a growing network of bike routes that is becoming safe and nearly complete in many districts.Mayor Anne Hidalgo’s 12‑year agenda reshaped Paris’s urban fabric. Since taking office in 2014, her administration planted 155,000 trees, created several hundred kilometres of segregated bike lanes, pedestrianised 300 school streets, and banned cars from the banks of the Seine. Former parking spaces have been turned into green plazas and café terraces, reducing the risk of children being hit while walking to school.As Hidalgo departs on Sunday, her legacy is touted as a blueprint for progressive European cities, especially as some national governments retreat from green initiatives.Nevertheless, the reforms have sparked pushback. Motorists object to the loss of road space, and recent referendums on higher parking charges for SUVs and further school‑street pedestrianisation suffered low voter turnouts. Right‑wing mayoral candidate Rachida Dati described the new public‑space regime as “anxiety‑inducing,” though she stopped short of promising a reversal.In a candid interview, Hidalgo described the Seine‑bank pedestrianisation as “a tough battle” that, once won, left residents reluctant to revert to car traffic. She highlighted a generation of children who have never known cars on those riverbanks, prompting awe‑filled reactions from visitors.Urban scholars attribute the rapid change to Paris’s tight administrative boundaries, which limit suburban influence on city transport decisions, and to groundwork laid by previous mayors. Yet they stress that political courage was essential to implement measures that inconvenienced drivers while delivering social and environmental benefits.Environmental epidemiologist Audrey de Nazelle of Imperial College London, a Paris native, praised the transformation as “fabulous” and warned that many cities lack the bravery to pursue similar legacies.A recent report placed Paris among 19 global cities that cut two major toxic air pollutants between 2010 and 2024. While Brussels and Warsaw saw faster declines in fine‑particle matter, London outpaced Paris in reducing nitrogen‑dioxide levels.By contrast, Berlin—despite opening a new inner‑city motorway and scrapping 30 km/h speed limits on key streets—still records a higher share of cyclists than Paris.Transport researcher Giulio Mattioli argues that Paris simply needed to add bike lanes to unlock latent demand, noting that the city started from a lower baseline but quickly caught up with peers.However, the transformation remains uneven. The extensive suburbs continue to be dominated by cars, hemmed in by the 35 km Boulevard Périphérique ring road. Analyst Jean‑Louis Missika of think‑tank Terra Nova stresses that “as long as this motorway encircles Paris, the Greater Paris metropolis will remain an administrative construct devoid of urban reality.” He calls for dismantling or repurposing the ring road to achieve a truly post‑car metropolis.

In the face of a downbeat hospitality trend in the UK, food halls are emerging as a beacon of hope, offering a diverse culinary experience that is proving resilient to economic challenges. The Cambridge Street Collective in Sheffield, Europe's largest purpose-built food hall at 20,000 sq ft, exemplifies this trend. Opened in 2024, it features a variety of vendors offering everything from sushi tacos to Palestinian cuisine.The food hall sector is experiencing significant growth, with major UK cities averaging £5.6m in annual revenue and a year-on-year growth rate of 10.75%. This growth is attributed to the shared infrastructure and risk model, where vendors pay a cut of their sales each month, and the owner covers costs such as energy and staffing. This model allows for a lower-risk entry point for entrepreneurs and innovative food concepts.65 new food halls are currently in development across the UK, including a 60,000 sq ft venue in Newcastle and a growing scene in cities like Manchester, Liverpool, and London. These food halls are not just about food; they offer a community space where people can work, socialize, and enjoy a variety of cuisines.Matt Farrell, founder of Bold Street Coffee, notes that food halls have become incubators for new businesses, providing opportunities for operators who can't afford traditional sites. James Cowan of Blend Collective, the owner of Cambridge Street Collective, emphasizes the importance of hosting local businesses and keeping the offering fresh.Successful food hall vendors have gone on to open their own brick-and-mortar restaurants, such as Baity, a Palestinian chain with sites in multiple cities, and Bao, which started in London's Netil Market. These success stories highlight the potential for food halls to foster culinary innovation and entrepreneurship.While some may wonder if the UK has reached peak food hall, industry experts believe there is still room for growth, particularly in areas with high demand and limited offerings. As the economic climate continues to evolve, food halls are likely to remain a vibrant part of the UK's culinary landscape.

As the 2026 local and regional elections draw nearer, the spectre of Trussonomics looms large over the British political landscape. From the Conservatives to the Greens, parties are unveiling extravagant fiscal promises that they claim can be funded by cuts elsewhere or additional borrowing, while insisting the broader economy will remain unharmed. Critics warn that any adverse effects will inevitably be shifted onto people and businesses outside the parties' core constituencies, effectively socialising the risk. Only Keir Starmer and his Labour cabinet appear to resist the pressure to re‑engineer the economy without acknowledging inevitable spill‑overs or extra costs. Former Prime Minister Liz Truss famously pledged £45 bn of tax cuts, financed through extra borrowing and so‑called welfare “efficiencies”. The plan was pitched as a catalyst for an entrepreneurial surge that would lift the UK out of a prolonged period of low productivity. Heading into May’s local polls, the Conservatives are touting a new “big‑spending” agenda after recent welfare cuts, highlighted by a headline pledge to shrink the welfare bill by £23 bn. Shadow Chancellor Mel Stride declared that the “culture of ‘something for nothing’ must end, now”. Green Party leader Zack Polanski has softened some of his party’s more radical proposals, yet the manifesto remains vague. Earlier drafts featured a litany of “free lunches”, signalling an ambition to raise taxes by **more than £170 bn a year** by the end of the next parliament. Key components of the Green plan include a £90 bn annual carbon tax and a matching increase in day‑to‑day public spending, alongside a proposed £90 bn boost to the capital‑spending budget (raising it from £160 bn to £250 bn per year). Reform UK has embraced Trussonomics with gusto, promising to raise the income‑tax threshold from £12,570 to £20,000 – a move that would cost the exchequer **over £40 bn each year**. Underlying many of these pledges is a belief that the UK can reverse a century of economic decline with a “magician’s wand”, ignoring potential repercussions for financial markets, trading partners, and a rapidly disintegrating global order. While the article briefly references the United States and France, the French electorate’s recent rejection of similarly flamboyant policies in local elections serves as a cautionary tale: voters in key cities like Paris and Marseille opted for centrist candidates over the radical platforms of Marine Le Pen’s National Rally and Jean‑Luc Mélenchon’s LFI. The broader context is a decade marked by two major wars, a quantum technological shift, and accelerating climate change – none of which offer quick‑fix solutions. Labour’s economic strategy, championed by Rachel Reeves, hinges on an early‑parliament spending surge intended to generate growth before the next general election. However, the damage inflicted by the previous government is still being reassessed, with the public‑finance gap now appearing larger than the £22 bn initially highlighted by Reeves. Labour still holds considerable funds earmarked for investment, but bureaucratic inertia in Whitehall hampers swift action, and Starmer bears responsibility for this paralysis. Demonstrating tangible returns on public spending – with HS2 currently the sole benchmark – could justify future tax increases on higher earners, provided the money is not wasted. In an uncertain world, the article argues that rational, evidence‑based governance is preferable to “outlandish initiatives” that create a multitude of losers. Ultimately, the piece concludes that Truss’s experiment was a disaster not merely because of the misguided belief that tax cuts can drive sustainable growth in a mature economy, but because it relied on an imagined “escape hatch” to propel the UK to a higher economic plane.

The piece argues that the once‑universal condemnation of war crimes is fading, a shift that should alarm policymakers and citizens alike. By suggesting that such atrocities are no longer deemed shameful, the author highlights a dangerous erosion of international norms that protect civilians in conflict zones. This normalization threatens to undermine the legal frameworks and moral deterrents that have historically restrained state and non‑state actors from committing mass violence. The article calls for renewed vigilance and stronger enforcement of international humanitarian law to prevent a world where brutality is tolerated.

More than 100 United States‑based international law scholars have signed an open letter denouncing the recent US‑Israeli strikes on Iran as a violation of the United Nations Charter and potentially amounting to war crimes. The letter, released on Thursday, asserts that the campaign – launched on February 28 – proceeded without UN Security Council authorization and without credible evidence of an imminent Iranian threat. According to the scholars, the legal basis for force against another state exists only in self‑defence against an actual or imminent armed attack, or when expressly sanctioned by the Security Council. Iran has not attacked the United States or Israel, and the Security Council did not approve the operation. The experts organize their concerns into four categories: the legality of the war decision, the conduct of hostilities, threatening rhetoric from senior officials, and what they describe as the dismantling of civilian‑protection safeguards within the US defence establishment under Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth’s “gloves‑off” approach. Among the most alarming incidents highlighted is the strike on a primary school in Minab, Iran on the first day of the conflict, which killed at least 175 people, the majority of them children. The letter also cites attacks on hospitals, water treatment facilities, and energy infrastructure, emphasizing that schools, health facilities, and homes have been targeted. The signatories condemn public statements by senior US officials, including a mid‑March remark by former President Donald Trump that the United States might strike Iran “just for fun,” and early‑March comments from Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth dismissing “stupid rules of engagement.” They argue that such rhetoric reflects an “alarming disrespect” for international humanitarian law, which is designed to protect civilians and combatants alike. Financially, the letter notes that the war is costing US taxpayers up to $2 billion per day, underscoring the broader economic burden of the conflict. The open letter was co‑authored by prominent legal scholars such as Yale Law School’s Oona Hathaway, former State Department legal adviser Harold Koh, NYU’s Philip Alston, and former Human Rights Watch chief Kenneth Roth. While the authors focus on the United States’ conduct, they warn of a heightened risk of atrocities throughout the region. Emphasizing the need for consistent application of international law, the scholars write: “We urge US government officials to uphold the UN Charter, international humanitarian law, and human rights law at all times, and to publicly make clear US commitment to and respect for norms of international law.”

The United States has a long history of threatening to carpet bomb countries, with President Donald Trump recently warning Iran that he would bomb the country 'back to the stone ages.' This rhetoric is not new, as US leaders have made similar threats in the past.During his prime-time address to the nation, Trump said, referring to Iran: 'We are going to hit them extremely hard over the next two to three weeks, we're going to bring them back to the stone ages, where they belong.' Trump also said 'discussions are ongoing,' adding that the conflict could end over the same period.The current war on Iran began on February 28 when the US and Israel launched their attacks. Tehran hit back, targeting Israel and Gulf countries. More than 2,000 Iranians have been killed in the war so far. Thousands of civilian sites, including hospitals, schools, universities, and pharmaceutical factories, have been attacked by Israel and the US.Janina Dill, a global security professor at the University of Oxford, told Al Jazeera that if Trump's 'stone ages' threat implies that the US will destroy structures and buildings that characterise a modern society, 'then this would be illegal because it implies directing attacks against civilian objects.'The phrase 'bombing back to the stone ages' is widely associated with US Air Force officer Curtis LeMay, in the context of US threats against North Vietnam in LeMay's 1965 book, Mission with LeMay. LeMay wrote: 'We're going to bomb them back into the Stone Age.'The US carried out intensive bombing in South Vietnam, as well as in Cambodia and Laos, claiming to target enemy bases and supply routes. Overall, millions of Vietnamese soldiers and civilians were killed or wounded in the war.In January 1991, the US led a global coalition to force out Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Former US Secretary of State James Baker threatened that the US would bomb Iraq 'back to the Stone Age' if it did not withdraw from Kuwait.During World War II, the US carpet bombed Japanese cities, as well as cities in Asia that were controlled by Japanese forces. During the Korean War, the US carried out heavy bombing in North Korea, which some officials said destroyed almost every town.