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Iran is experiencing the longest nationwide internet blackout ever recorded, according to the global monitoring group NetBlocks. Since the United States and Israel launched their war on Iran on February 28, connectivity has hovered at about 1% of pre‑war levels, effectively cutting the country off from the global web. The blackout follows a prior 20‑day shutdown in January, which coincided with deadly nationwide protests. Combined, these measures mean that Iranian civilians have spent close to two‑thirds of 2026 in digital darkness, relying only on a slow, state‑controlled intranet for basic services and state‑run news. NetBlocks highlighted that while regions such as Myanmar, Sudan, Kashmir and Tigray have endured longer intermittent outages, no other war has forced an entire nation offline to this extent. The monitor added that Iran is the first country to lose previously functional internet connectivity by reverting to a national network. Economic analysts warned that the January shutdown already caused the economy to lose tens of millions of dollars each day in direct damages, with far‑reaching indirect effects. Companies reported that many online businesses could not survive more than three weeks without connectivity, leading to a wave of layoffs and reduced pay raises. One affected worker, Kamran, a product designer in Karaj, said he was dismissed after the latest wave of cuts. He now relies on a local skill‑matching group, but fears competition from thousands of similarly displaced workers. A senior data analyst from a Tehran firm disclosed that the firm is offering lower-than‑expected raises and shifting to three‑month contracts, creating uncertainty about future employment. Compounding the digital crisis, the war has targeted Iran’s steel factories, petrochemical plants and other civilian infrastructure, aggravating pre‑existing problems of high inflation and unemployment. Only a limited segment of the population can access the global internet—either because they are whitelisted by the state or because they pay steep fees for proxy connections that often disappear after a few hours. Government spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani stated that internet access is being granted only to those who can “get the voice out,” such as officials, state‑affiliated entities and news agencies. Citizens on the ground describe a grim reality: frequent power outages, uncertainty about water supplies, and an inability to use services like Google Search or AI tools, even as they watch live feeds from space missions that remain inaccessible. In response to the prolonged shutdown, authorities have begun rolling out a tiered system dubbed “Internet Pro.” Business groups have received a “guide to connect to international internet,” urging them to contact a state‑run messaging app, Bale, for registration. Parallel efforts by a major telecom carrier offer one‑year data packages at prices higher than normal plans, while existing providers have not refunded customers for services they cannot deliver. President Masoud Pezeshkian’s administration, which campaigned on unblocking Iran’s internet, has offered no official explanation for the shutdown, leaving both the battered digital sector and the broader economy facing an uncertain future.

Former Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif presented a comprehensive peace roadmap in Foreign Affairs on Friday, seeking to move beyond a temporary cease‑fire in the war that erupted on February 28 after coordinated US‑Israeli strikes on Iran. The plan urges Iran to place limits on its nuclear program under international monitoring, including a commitment to never pursue nuclear weapons and to blend its enriched uranium below 3.67 %. This would address the International Atomic Energy Agency’s estimate that Iran holds roughly 440 kg (970 lb) of uranium enriched to 60 %—a level close to the 90 % threshold needed for a bomb. Zarif also proposes a mutual non‑aggression pact with the United States, coupled with the immediate lifting of all US sanctions and United Nations Security Council resolutions against Tehran. To secure regional stability, he suggests forming a regional fuel‑enrichment consortium that would involve China, Russia and the United States alongside Iran and its Gulf neighbours, using West Asia’s sole enrichment facility. Additionally, a broader security framework could include Gulf states, UN Security Council powers and possibly Egypt, Pakistan and Turkey to guarantee freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, which Iran has largely blocked since the conflict began. Beyond security, Zarif calls for “mutually beneficial trade, economic and technological cooperation” between Iran and the United States, framing the roadmap as a “well‑timed off‑ramp” for President Donald Trump, who recently warned Iran it had 48 hours to negotiate a deal or face “all hell”. Gulf officials reacted sharply. UAE diplomatic adviser Anwar Gargash dismissed the proposal as ignoring Iran’s aggressive missile and drone attacks on Gulf infrastructure, calling the strategy “hubris & strategic failure.” Former Qatari Prime Minister Hamad bin Jassim Al Thani acknowledged the plan’s cleverness but warned that the war has “eroded the trust built over years” and increased regional danger. The United States has offered a 15‑point cease‑fire plan, while Pakistan, Turkey and Egypt continue to push for direct talks, yet no substantive progress has emerged. Should the roadmap gain traction, it could reopen the Strait of Hormuz—through which one‑fifth of global crude oil and natural gas normally flows—alleviate the economic shockwaves rippling through world markets, and reshape the geopolitical landscape of the Middle East.

In a viral trend on TikTok, Londoners are reviewing upmarket bakeries and cafes in their neighborhoods, sparking conversations about gentrification and the changing face of local businesses.Moses Combe, a 21-year-old from north London, started a series of videos called the 'Endz Department for Research', where he reviews upscale cafes that he wouldn't normally visit. His goal is to investigate the changes happening in his own backyard. Combe's review of Jolene, a bakery he describes as 'giving Gail's Pro Max', comes to £14.20. He enjoys the sausage roll, saying 'They did not skimp out with that sausage, bro.'Combe isn't alone in his reviews. Kobi Coker, a 27-year-old comedian and educator, also reviews 'gentrified' spaces. He says his videos exploring these areas weren't initially intentional but were sparked by noticing new, upmarket establishments opening up on his road during his daily commute. Coker has reviewed the Dusty Knuckle bakery, Jolene, Gail's, and Pret, often joking about his experiences.The trend has led to discussions about gentrification and its impact on local businesses. Coker notes that while some new businesses bring new ideas, the problem is that long-time residents 'aren't necessarily able to participate in it.' Matthew Roberts, operations manager at Jolene, welcomes the attention, saying it's 'all very positive' and that they want to 'welcome absolutely everybody.'Other reviewers, like Daniel Poon, a 27-year-old content creator, review mainstream chains when they release products inspired by other cuisines. He reviewed Pret's ube drink, saying it didn't feel authentic to the original Filipino flavor. Poon appreciates chains' efforts to branch out and try new things, but also values diversity and trying different cuisines.

When the sanctioned Russian tanker Anatoly Kolodkin docked at Matanzas and off‑loaded roughly 700,000 barrels of crude, observers were left questioning why Washington had temporarily lifted its oil embargo on the island.Just weeks earlier, President Donald Trump had taken to social media to declare an end to any oil or cash flowing to Cuba. Yet, in a stark reversal, he later told reporters he had no objection to oil shipments reaching the country, allowing the Russian vessel to pass.Adding to the intrigue, Cuban authorities announced the release of 2,010 prisoners as a “humanitarian gesture” for Holy Week. Analysts quickly linked the pardons to the tanker’s arrival, interpreting both moves as evidence of ongoing, albeit secret, talks between Washington and Havana.The U.S. oil blockade has already pushed Cuba’s fragile economy to the brink: tourism has all but vanished after airlines from Canada, Russia, China and France withdrew, with Iberia set to exit by the end of May. Most petrol stations are shuttered and blackouts have become a daily reality.Population estimates now sit at 9.5 million, down from a pre‑crisis peak after a two‑million‑person exodus over the past five years. Citizens describe a systemic collapse of health, education and transport services.With official channels silent, Cubans are piecing together fragmented leaks—largely from the U.S. side—to gauge the direction of the negotiations.The dialogue pits Trump’s hard‑line rhetoric, which vows to “take” the island, against Cuba’s insistence that its political system is non‑negotiable.One diplomat suggested the tanker’s arrival could be a tactical humanitarian showcase, but also noted it might serve as a confidence‑building measure. The simultaneous prisoner release leans toward the latter interpretation.Professor William LeoGrande of American University observed that such reciprocal gestures often precede substantive diplomatic progress.Meanwhile, another Russian‑flagged tanker, the Sea Horse, carrying about 200,000 barrels, was sighted moving toward Venezuela, hinting at a coordinated “carrot” strategy aimed at both Havana and Caracas.Although oil alone is unlikely to compel the Cuban regime to relinquish power, the recent events suggest a more transactional pathway may be emerging.Since 2021, Cuba has nurtured a private sector of over 10,000 small‑ and medium‑sized enterprises (Mipymes), spawning a new class of affluent Cubans often tied to the regime and the army’s economic arm, Gaesa.Negotiations appear to be led by Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, a grandson of former President Raúl Castro and son of the late Gaesa chief Luis Rodríguez López‑Calleja.In a recent CNN interview, Fidel Castro’s grandson Sandro Castro, a 33‑year‑old influencer and businessman, argued that the majority of Cubans now favor a capitalist model over communism.His open criticism of President Miguel Díaz‑Canel—calling his performance “unsatisfactory”—would normally trigger state security action, yet appears tolerated, suggesting the U.S. may be leveraging Díaz‑Canel’s vulnerability in the talks.Analysts speculate a possible outcome where Cuba’s economy opens to foreign investment while senior Castros retain political influence, aligning with Trump’s expressed desire for a “friendly” transition reminiscent of recent moves in Venezuela.One senior diplomat in Havana noted that the United States might permit existing private businesses to continue operating, provided they also open markets to U.S. interests.The prospect of any Castro family member retaining authority is likely to provoke fierce opposition from hard‑line Cuban‑American groups, epitomized by figures like Marco Rubio, who have long advocated for the Castros’ removal.Perhaps the greatest concern remains the roughly 40 % of Cubans who are not part of the private sector and rely on state support; many are elderly and now face the very real threat of starvation.

In Lebanon, the war with Israel has severely impacted the traditional funeral process. Normally, the deceased are given a final procession through their hometown before burial. However, due to Israel's expanding ground invasion in south Lebanon, families are being forced to abandon these customs.In Tyre, temporary graves have been established with brief epitaphs marking the deceased. The burials are conducted using a special Islamic rite called wadiaa, which allows for the casket, but not the body, to be exhumed later. This practice is usually reserved for exceptional circumstances like war.Rabih Koubaissi, who oversees burials in Tyre, noted that people have an emotional attachment to burying their loved ones in their ancestral land, reflecting their sense of belonging and heritage. The brutality of war has made it impossible to follow traditional washing and preparation of bodies, sometimes only collecting pieces of bodies for burial.Families face the heartbreaking reality of having to bury their loved ones twice. The Israeli military's plan to occupy areas south of the Litani River indefinitely raises fears that reburials may not be possible for months or even years. This situation has left the deceased with few visitors, as most families have been forced to leave Tyre due to increased attacks.Hecham Reda, a medic, expressed his fear of not being able to rebury his friend Hadi back home, reflecting the anxiety many people from south Lebanon are experiencing. Koubaissi finds it difficult to comfort grieving families, trying to convey sympathy without revealing the harsh realities of the situation.

The piece argues that the once‑universal condemnation of war crimes is fading, a shift that should alarm policymakers and citizens alike. By suggesting that such atrocities are no longer deemed shameful, the author highlights a dangerous erosion of international norms that protect civilians in conflict zones. This normalization threatens to undermine the legal frameworks and moral deterrents that have historically restrained state and non‑state actors from committing mass violence. The article calls for renewed vigilance and stronger enforcement of international humanitarian law to prevent a world where brutality is tolerated.

Iranian footballer Mona Hamoudi had one ambition when she boarded the flight to Australia for the Women’s Asian Cup: to play well. However, the tournament became a test of her skills, patience, and ability to make difficult decisions under enormous pressure.Hamoudi, a 32-year-old midfielder, was part of the Iranian national squad that travelled to Australia in early March. The trip unravelled into one of the most scrutinised episodes in the history of Iranian women’s sport. The squad had remained silent during the national anthem ahead of their Asia Cup opener against South Korea on March 2, two days after the United States and Israel went to war with Iran and killed Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.Their silence was perceived by some as a protest against the Iranian government, and Iran’s state television branded the women as “traitors”. The players sang the anthem at their next two matches, but fears for their safety grew further after it was reported in the media that they were being monitored by Iranian government and football officials.Following Iran’s elimination at the group stage, five players – Hamoudi among them – claimed asylum and were granted humanitarian visas by the Australian authorities. However, after the rest of the squad left Australia on March 10, five of the seven later reversed course and said they would return to Iran – including Hamoudi.Hamoudi and teammate Zahra Sarbali describe the decision to return to Iran as inseparable from a sense of duty; to family, teammates, and “national obligation”, rather than a purely free choice made in calm and safety. They faced harassment and constant following from media and social media, and the expectations and pressure from the Iranian-Australian community.The journey back to Tehran was marked by fear and tension, with the media attention that had followed them throughout the tournament only intensifying once they were back in Iran. The football federation offered formal support, and the players appeared on national television after their return and resumed training as normal.On March 19, the team were met in Tehran with a hero’s welcome from the public, with several thousand people gathering in Valiasr Square, many holding Iranian flags. However, fears remain over the consequences for their careers and how their every future action might be interpreted.Maryam Irandoust, a former head coach of the Iranian women’s national team, said these experiences will carry a psychological weight onto the pitch, directly affecting performances in training and in matches. Adel Ferdosipour, a veteran Iranian sports journalist, warned that any punishment of the players could deter future footballers from representing Iran.

The ongoing conflict between the US and Israel against Iran has significantly impacted global oil supplies, causing prices to surge. Despite this, US President Donald Trump claims that the US is 'totally independent' of the Middle East and doesn't need their oil. However, experts argue that the oil market is highly interconnected, making it unlikely that the US can escape the effects of the crisis.The US is a major oil producer, having surpassed other countries due to the fracking boom. Yet, it still imports millions of barrels per day, with a significant portion coming from Gulf nations. This reliance on imports means that the US is not as insulated from global price trends as Trump suggests.Oil prices have risen by nearly half since the start of the war, with Brent crude trading above $100 per barrel. This increase has had a ripple effect on the global economy, with US fuel prices breaching $4 per gallon for the first time since 2022. The surge in fuel costs is likely to impact the US economy and may influence the midterm elections.Experts warn that the concept of 'energy independence' may be a 'smokescreen' and that low-income households will be disproportionately affected by higher fuel prices. While some sectors of the US economy, such as energy production, may benefit from the current situation, the overall impact on consumers is expected to be negative.The article also highlights the broader implications of the conflict, including disruptions to global fertilizer supplies and helium production. With the Strait of Hormuz remaining paralyzed, the effects of the crisis are likely to be prolonged, and experts are skeptical that fuel prices will quickly return to normal even if the conflict ends soon.

According to a new United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) briefing, the global food commodity price index climbed 2.4% in March, marking the second straight monthly increase and the first rise in five months for the broader basket of grains, meat, dairy, vegetable oils and sugar.The surge is largely attributed to the escalating conflict in the Middle East, which has pushed up energy prices and freight rates worldwide. The report highlighted that vegetable oil prices jumped 5% and sugar rose 7% during the month.Analysts warn that the war could trigger a broader wave of food inflation, as higher fuel, fertiliser and electricity costs increase the expense of transporting, processing and cooking food. About one‑third of global fertiliser production passes through the Strait of Hormuz, a key shipping lane that has been effectively closed since hostilities began.UN projections suggest that, if the crisis endures, global food prices could be 15%–20% higher in the first half of 2026 than pre‑conflict levels. The FAO noted that “price indices across all commodity groups rose to varying degrees, reflecting both market fundamentals and responses to higher energy prices linked to the conflict escalation in the Near East.”Specific commodity trends showed global wheat prices up 4.3% in March, driven by deteriorating crop conditions and drought concerns in the United States, as well as reduced planting in Australia due to soaring fertiliser costs. Better weather in Europe and strong export competition provided some offset.In the United Kingdom, the Food and Drink Federation – representing 12,000 manufacturers – now forecasts a **minimum 9% rise in food prices by the end of 2026**, a sharp increase from the 3.2% forecast made before the Middle East conflict. This outlook assumes the Strait of Hormuz reopens within weeks and that major energy facilities return to normal within a year – both uncertain outcomes.British producers are already feeling the pressure. The British Tomato Growers’ Association warned that consumers could see higher prices for tomatoes, peppers and cucumbers within six weeks as gas‑heated glasshouses become more expensive to run.Chancellor Rachel Reeves recently met with leaders of major retailers—including Tesco, Sainsbury’s, Morrisons, Marks & Spencer, Aldi and Lidl—to discuss measures that could ease the cost‑of‑living squeeze and strengthen supply chains.Nevertheless, a Bank of England survey of over 2,000 chief financial officers revealed that firms expect to raise their prices by an average of 3.7% over the next year, up from 3.4% in February. Expectations for overall economy‑wide inflation also rose from 3% to 3.5%.