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The new academic term began in Gaza in late March, but the usual bustle of students catching buses to campus has been replaced by the stark reality of displacement.Israel’s relentless campaign has turned most university buildings into rubble and shelters, forcing a shift to online learning that many students in tents cannot access due to lack of electricity, water, food and reliable internet.Against this backdrop, a glimmer of hope has emerged. In the overcrowded al‑Mawasi district of Khan Younis, the US‑based NGO Scholars Without Borders has erected a makeshift “University City,” a wooden and metal structure designed to bring students back into a real lecture hall."Our mission is to bring education closer to students in a better environment," said Hamza Abu Daqqa, the organisation’s Gaza representative.The facility houses six halls that can accommodate up to 600 students each day. Powered by solar panels, it offers internet access, improvised green spaces and even a small business incubator to help students explore entrepreneurial ideas.University City operates on a rotating weekly schedule, allocating each day to a different institution so that multiple universities can share the limited space. Priority is given to courses that require hands‑on instruction, such as practical labs and discussion‑based classes.Prominent Gaza institutions—including the Islamic University, Al‑Azhar University and the Palestine College of Nursing—have already begun using the site.For many students, this is the first time in years they have set foot in a space that feels like a real university. "When I saw this place, I was amazed," said 20‑year‑old nursing student Mariam Nasr, who fled Rafah and now travels four kilometres on foot to attend classes.Another first‑year student, Amr Muhammad, echoed the sentiment: "Being here with other students, discussing and engaging in class makes a huge difference."The broader picture remains grim. UN experts have labeled Israel’s systematic targeting of Gaza’s academic sector as “scholasticide.” More than 7,000 university students and staff have been killed or injured, and over 60 university buildings have been completely demolished, according to the Euro‑Med Human Rights Monitor.Materials for University City were sourced entirely within Gaza, a testament to the community’s resilience amid soaring costs and scarce resources. Yet the initiative is hampered by the same blockade that restricts reconstruction supplies, fuel and safe transport.Students still face daily hurdles: damaged roads, limited cash, and unreliable transport—often relying on worn‑out vehicles, donkey carts or long walks. "My father could only give me eight shekels (about $2.64) for a ride," Mariam explained, highlighting the economic strain.Even once inside the halls, challenges persist. Power outages and unstable internet make it difficult to print materials or follow online lectures, forcing many to rely on old phones and intermittent connections.Nevertheless, the atmosphere inside University City is one of determination. "For medical education, in‑person learning is essential," said Dr Essam Mughari of the Palestine College of Nursing. "Seeing students gather again restores something vital."For students like Mariam, the drive to continue studying is deeply personal. "My cousin, a nurse, was killed when an airstrike destroyed her family’s house. I study to heal others and honor her memory," she said.While University City now serves hundreds daily, thousands of Gaza’s students remain without comparable facilities. Abu Daqqa stresses that the project is only the beginning: "We have built dozens of makeshift schools, but the need is far greater. Imagine what could be done if the needed resources were allowed through."

The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) issued a strong rebuke on Friday after Israel’s security cabinet secretly approved 34 new settlements in the occupied West Bank, describing the action as a direct contravention of international law. Israeli rights organization Peace Now disclosed that the decision was made in early April, a fact later corroborated by multiple Israeli media outlets. The OIC’s general secretariat emphasized that Israel, as the occupying power, has no sovereignty over the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Al‑Quds (Jerusalem), and that any measures intended to alter the region’s geographic or demographic reality are null and void under international statutes. According to the OIC statement, the approval of these settlements adds to 68 settlements already sanctioned since Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s right‑wing coalition assumed power in 2022. The body warned that the accelerating settlement policy, coupled with land confiscation and settler‑related violence, jeopardizes the viability of a two‑state solution and infringes on the rights of the Palestinian people. Turkey echoed the OIC’s condemnation, labeling the move a “serious violation of international law and UN resolutions.” Meanwhile, Israel’s own Channel 24 reported that the security cabinet’s decision was taken “secretly” and marked the largest number of settlements ever approved in a single session. Ynet cited military chief Eyal Zamir, who warned that the Israel Defense Forces could “collapse” under the strain of expanding settlement demands, including the retroactive legalization of dozens of outposts. Of the 34 approved sites, 10 are existing outposts that were previously illegal under Israeli law but will now be legitimized; the remaining 24 are slated for construction. All settlements in the occupied West Bank are deemed illegal under international law. The decision has not been formally published by any Israeli governmental body. Since the 1967 occupation, more than 500,000 Israeli settlers now reside in the West Bank alongside roughly three million Palestinians. Settlement expansion has been a consistent policy of successive Israeli governments, but it has accelerated markedly under the Netanyahu administration, especially after the Gaza war that began in October 2023 and has resulted in over 72,000 Palestinian deaths. By highlighting the legal and demographic implications of the new settlements, the OIC aims to rally international opposition and reinforce the call for a negotiated two‑state solution, warning that continued expansion could further destabilize an already volatile region.

Zohran Mamdani celebrated his 100‑day anniversary as New York City’s mayor amid a backdrop of frigid crowds at City Hall and a historic milestone: the city filled 100,000 potholes in just over three months. The 32‑year‑old Democratic socialist, the first Muslim mayor of the United States’ wealthiest city, framed his early tenure as a test of whether a platform built on affordability could be translated into concrete governance. His administration’s headline achievement is the launch of a universal childcare initiative. Partnering with Governor Kathy Hochul, the mayor secured $1.2 billion from the state’s 2026 budget—funds drawn from existing revenue streams rather than new taxes—to add 2,000 daycare seats in low‑income neighborhoods. Sign‑ups for two‑year‑old slots will open in June, with allocations announced by August. “One in four New Yorkers lives in poverty, and after housing, childcare costs are pushing families out of the city,” Mamdani told Al Jazeera, underscoring the program’s role in curbing a citywide affordability crisis. Parallel to the childcare rollout, the mayor’s pothole‑filling campaign has become a symbolic win. By early April, crews had patched the 100,000th pothole, a move Mamdani described as proof that the city can handle “the smallest tasks in New Yorkers’ lives” before tackling larger challenges. However, the administration faces criticism on several fronts. Snowstorm responses earlier in the year exposed gaps in emergency planning, prompting Mamdani to acknowledge the need for better tools to manage “bus stops, sidewalks, and crosswalks.” A newly released cost‑of‑living index revealed that 62 % of New Yorkers cannot afford basic expenses, with families on average falling nearly $40,000 short of a sustainable budget. The burden is especially acute for communities of colour—77 % of Hispanic and 65 % of Black residents are financially strained. Fiscal conservatives, such as Manhattan Institute adjunct EJ Mahon, argue that New York already imposes the highest tax rates on millionaires in four decades, warning that further “tax‑the‑rich” rhetoric could drive wealth out of the city. Local commentator Aria Singer echoed this concern, suggesting that aggressive tax hikes might prompt billionaires to relocate, undermining job creation. Housing remains a central battleground. Rents have risen roughly 25 % since 2019, and while Mamdani’s proposal to freeze rents would affect only about half of the rental stock, his administration is pushing an aggressive construction agenda to increase supply and stimulate competition. Political dynamics add another layer of complexity. The mayor’s ability to raise taxes or fund ambitious projects hinges on Governor Hochul’s approval, as the city lacks autonomous authority over most tax levers. Moreover, initiatives like free city buses require cooperation with the state‑run Metropolitan Transit Authority (MTA). Strategist Adin Lenchner of Carroll Street Campaigns cautioned that sustained grassroots pressure will be essential for Mamdani to translate his agenda into lasting policy, noting that even former President Barack Obama struggled to maintain such momentum. Beyond policy, Mamdani has confronted a surge in xenophobic incidents targeting Jewish and Muslim communities, including a vehicle attack on a Brooklyn Jewish centre and an alleged ISIS‑inspired explosive device outside his Gracie Mansion residence. He condemned the violence, emphasizing that “such acts are antithetical to who we are.” As the 100‑day mark passes, the mayor’s focus has shifted from the symbolic cold of his inauguration to the practical heat of governing a city that demands tangible results. While potholes may seem minor, Mamdani argues they are a litmus test for public trust: “If we can’t fix the pothole you hit every day, how can you trust us with bigger challenges?”

Argentina's glacier law has been in effect since 2010, and was the first legislation in Latin America to protect glaciers. It has been a point of contention for mining companies and provincial authorities ever since.The law bans 'any activity' that can affect the 'natural condition' of a glacier or the periglacial frozen land surrounding it, or that results in 'its destruction, movement or interferes with its advance'. That includes the construction of infrastructure not for scientific purposes and any industrial activity. Mining companies, including Barrick, have previously sought to have the law deemed unconstitutional, but the supreme court rejected the challenge.However, a recent reform to the glacier law driven by the far-right government of Javier Milei will relax restrictions, paving the way for mines in high-altitude areas blanketed with ice and snow, which are sources of water. The new law, approved on Wednesday by 137 votes to 111, with three abstentions, will enable provincial authorities to decide which glaciers are protected and which are open for development based on whether they represent a 'relevant water function'.Environmentalists and community members such as Zeballos, a 51-year-old accountant turned activist, have long alleged that Veladero, owned by Canada-based Barrick Mining Corporation and China's Shandong Gold, is operating illegally in an area considered off-limits by Argentina's Ley de Glaciares – or glacier law. The reform has sparked a wave of protests, with Greenpeace activists staging a demonstration on the steps of the National Congress.'What is at stake is the protection of key water reserves in Argentina,' says Andrés Nápoli, a lawyer and executive director of the Foundation of Environment and Natural Resources (Farn), an environmental and human rights NGO. 'Saying that you have to destroy glaciers to guarantee the energy transition is an oxymoron.'About 7 million people, 16% of the population in Argentina, live in areas that depend on glaciers, according to environmental organisations. Glaciers don't just feed rivers; they balance fragile ecosystems hit hard by a heating planet. In Argentina's northwest, scientists say they have shrunk by 17% in the past 10 years.

Britain’s recent reversal of the on‑shore wind ban, announced by Energy Secretary Ed Miliband, has set in motion a wave of proposals to install more than one hundred colossal turbines across the Cambrian Mountains of mid‑Wales. The Cambrians, a 500‑square‑mile stretch of moorland and high ground that remains the most extensive wilderness south of Scotland, could soon host turbines reaching 220–230 metres – roughly 50% taller than any existing on‑shore turbine in England and Wales and more than twice the height of Big Ben. Each turbine would sit on a 2,000‑tonne concrete foundation and require at least 100 tonnes of steel. The scheme also envisions over 200 km of new pylons to link the farms to the National Grid, alongside roads, repair bays and storage depots. Analysts note that the construction phase would generate a substantial carbon footprint, especially given the turbines’ relatively short operational life of 20–25 years. Environmental organisations, including the Wild Wales Trust and the Campaign for the Protection of Rural Wales, have rallied against the plans, warning that they would "degrade and industrialise huge areas of the uplands and valleys" and could encroach on Wales’s sole UNESCO biosphere reserve in the Dyfi valley. Local opposition is hampered by the region’s sparse population, but activists have been posting hand‑drawn notices on the Glaslyn uplands and highlighting the visual impact of proposed turbine clusters – for example, a hilltop site slated for 26 turbines that would dominate the skyline across the country, and a location dubbed “Artists Valley” that could be renamed after a row of 37 similar structures. Critics argue that Wales, which is moving toward renewable self‑sufficiency and already exports surplus power, does not need these installations for its own energy security. Instead, the turbines appear designed to feed the broader UK grid, echoing historic instances where Welsh resources were harnessed for the benefit of other regions, such as the 1960s water transfers to Liverpool. With the Cambrian Mountains lacking any national‑park protection – a status denied in the 1950s due to local farming opposition – the landscape remains vulnerable to large‑scale industrialisation. The proposed developments raise a fundamental question: should a politician’s ambition for renewable credentials outweigh the preservation of one of Britain’s most pristine natural areas?

Mom’s mantra – “don’t borrow trouble” – became the compass that steadied Feimster during the uncertain early years of her comedy career. She says the simple advice helped her shift focus from endless worry to actually performing. Growing up, Feimster was captivated by Carol Burnett’s slapstick brilliance, a love sparked by her grandmother’s nightly reruns. The legendary comedian’s on‑ and off‑screen silliness shaped Feimster’s own comedic sensibility. When she was cast as the beaver Nibbles in the upcoming Zootropolis 2, the process was anything but typical. “The script was top‑secret,” she recalls, noting that she entered the recording booth with only a brief scene description from director Jared Bush, never knowing how pivotal her character would become. Feimster also laughs about a nightmare charity gig in a Virginia biker bar, where the stage was literally a wooden crate, the lighting resembled a construction site, and a karaoke machine served as the sound system. “Nobody, including me, enjoyed the show,” she admits. Unlike many performers, she has no elaborate pre‑show rituals. She arrives minutes before the curtain rises, chats with the audience, and treats each performance like a regular day, much to the amusement of co‑host Tom Papa. The relentless travel schedule is a double‑edged sword. Feimster describes the constant touring as exhausting, with the added pressure of having to write fresh material after every special. “You finish one project and must start from scratch,” she says, highlighting the creative churn that fuels her growth. On set with Arnold Schwarzenegger for the film Fubar, Feimster found the experience inspiring. She notes that the legendary actor’s varied career – from bodybuilding champion to governor – made every day on set feel like a master class. Looking ahead, Feimster has wrapped two Netflix comedies: one starring Will Ferrell as a washed‑up pro golfer where she plays his caddie, and another ensemble with Kim Kardashian, Nikki Glaser and Brenda Song. She hints at a future shift toward a more serious, less self‑referential role. Meanwhile, her current stand‑up show “Takin’ Care of Biscuits” continues its North American and European leg, with a stop at London’s Hackney Empire on 3 June and the tour running through 9 August.

Amid escalating tensions in the Middle East, the Asian Football Confederation (AFC) has postponed the draw for the 2027 men’s Asian Cup, originally scheduled for Riyadh, and is exploring contingency plans. Australia has been urged to submit an emergency hosting bid to ensure the tournament proceeds as planned.The competition, set to kick off on 7 January 2027 and run for four weeks, will feature 24 national teams, including the Socceroos, across venues in Riyadh, Jeddah and Khobar. With the draw delayed and the Saudi venue’s security under question, AFC officials are weighing alternative locations.Former Australian international Craig Foster argues that the nation is uniquely positioned to step in on short notice. He highlights the success of the 2015 men’s Asian Cup and the recent Women’s Asian Cup hosted in Australia, noting that the country demonstrated both logistical capability and fan engagement.“Hosting the tournament would be a vital diplomatic gesture at a time when Australia’s reputation in the Middle East has suffered,” Foster said, adding that the event could deliver a significant economic uplift for the hospitality industry as teams and supporters flock to Australian cities.Data from the 2015 edition show that 15,000 overseas visitors generated more than half of the tournament’s $81 million direct spend. By contrast, the federal and state contributions to the women’s Asian Cup exceeded $20 million, underscoring the financial stakes involved.The Australian government has indicated willingness to collaborate with Football Australia, stating that any investment in international sport would be considered through regular budget processes. Foster has called on sport minister Anika Wells to endorse an emergency hosting proposal.Football Australia emphasizes that AFC tournaments have become “some of the most significant events in the global football calendar,” delivering “substantial economic, diplomatic, social, and health value for Australia.” Continued support from all government levels, they argue, is essential to maintain the country’s status as a premier host nation.Saudi Arabia, which secured hosting rights in 2023 and will later stage the 2034 FIFA World Cup, now faces uncertainty as its venues sit within striking distance of ongoing regional hostilities, including recent Iranian counter‑attacks near the under‑construction Aramco Stadium in Khobar.

The Gulf Cooperation Council is reassessing its security model after the brief but intense US‑Israel campaign against Iran. With American bases on Gulf soil turning the region into a target for Tehran’s missile and drone barrage, Gulf capitals are looking to diversify their defence partners beyond the United States. Iran’s lingering missile arsenal and its demand to retain control of the Strait of Hormuz remain the central security dilemma. The strait channels the bulk of Gulf oil trade, and Tehran’s insistence on keeping a foothold there was a sticking point in the cease‑fire talks scheduled to begin in Islamabad. Gulf air defences boasted a high interception rate, claiming to have neutralised more than 90% of the 2,256 drones and 563 missiles that struck the United Arab Emirates, the hardest‑hit member of the bloc. Nevertheless, the Gulf is split on how to engage Iran moving forward. A hawkish bloc led by the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain favours a tougher stance, while Saudi Arabia, Qatar and others are open to restoring diplomatic ties. In a rare development, Saudi Arabia and Iran held their first official conversation since the conflict began, with foreign ministers discussing measures to lower tensions and restore regional stability. Security scholars such as Bader Mousa Al‑Saif of Kuwait University argue that Gulf states must broaden their security network, forging alliances with regional powers like Turkey and Pakistan rather than relying solely on the United States. He warned that the region needs a model that shields it from a perpetual state of war. Pre‑war trends are now accelerating: Saudi Arabia recently signed a defence pact with Pakistan, the UAE announced a partnership with India, and all three Gulf states – Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar – entered rapid defence agreements with Ukraine to counter Iranian drone threats. Talks of a “Muslim NATO” have largely faded, but a new alignment dubbed “Step”, involving Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt and Pakistan, is taking shape. The coalition’s purpose remains ambiguous, oscillating between counter‑Iran and counter‑Israel objectives, and internal rivalries complicate cohesion. The United Kingdom, which helped protect Gulf airspace during the hostilities, is also seeking deeper defence‑industrial cooperation with Saudi Arabia, as discussed by Prime Minister Keir Starmer in Jeddah. UAE political scientist Abdulkhaleq Abdulla predicts tighter security ties with the United States and a growing willingness among Gulf states to engage with Israel on military and intelligence fronts. Analysts such as Yasmine Farouk of the International Crisis Group note that Saudi Arabia’s extensive oil infrastructure, Red Sea ports and sheer geographic size give it a strategic advantage in post‑war reconstruction, though the cost of rebuilding could strain its Vision 2030 diversification agenda. Looking ahead, the Gulf is expected to layer additional security partnerships—particularly with European nations—while investing heavily in air and missile defence, hardened ports, desalination facilities, maritime surveillance and alternative export routes. As Andreas Krieg of King’s College London observes, the United States remains the only power with a full‑scale military architecture in the Gulf, but its bases are increasingly viewed as “tripwires” rather than protective shields.

A fresh assessment released after the latest wave of Israeli airstrikes confirms that Beirut has endured extensive structural damage. The report, sourced from local authorities, outlines the breadth of destruction across residential districts and key infrastructure.While precise casualty figures remain unconfirmed, officials emphasize that the scale of the devastation will require substantial reconstruction efforts and could exacerbate the humanitarian situation in the capital.International observers note that the heightened damage underscores the escalating intensity of the conflict in the region, raising concerns about further destabilisation and the need for coordinated relief responses.