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President Donald Trump has been privately discussing the possibility of replacing Tulsi Gabbard as Director of National Intelligence, according to two people briefed on the conversations. This development comes after Gabbard's testimony at a Congressional hearing where she declined to condemn Joe Kent, a former deputy who argued that Iran did not pose an imminent threat to the United States.Trump's frustration with Gabbard reportedly stems from her perceived defense of Kent and her reluctance to support the administration's position on attacking Iran. The President tends to poll his advisers when considering personnel changes, which suggests that Gabbard's position may be precarious.Despite this, Trump offered a mixed endorsement of Gabbard on Sunday, stating, "Yeah, sure... I mean, she's a little bit different in her thought process than me, but that doesn't make somebody not available to serve."The White House has defended Gabbard, with spokesperson Steven Cheung stating, "As President Trump just said in his remarks, he has confidence in Director Gabbard and the tireless work she is doing."Gabbard has faced challenges in her role, including criticism for revoking the security clearances of 37 people, including congressional aides, without consulting the White House. Her tenure has been marked by both support and controversy, particularly regarding her stance on Iran and her criticism of US involvement in foreign wars.

When asked before Arsenal’s win over Everton how the upcoming international break might affect his squad, Mikel Arteta stressed the club’s “good communication” with national team coaches and promised to make “the right decisions” after assessing each player’s condition. That cautious optimism was quickly shattered. Following the Carabao Cup final loss to Manchester City, a cascade of withdrawals began. William Saliba pulled out of France’s squad with a left‑ankle injury, and Jurriën Timber missed the Netherlands call‑up due to a lingering groin problem. Within 24 hours, Gabriel Magalhães (Brazil) and Leandro Trossard (Belgium) also withdrew, while Eberechi Eze was forced out of England duty because of a calf strain that kept him out of the cup final. Captain Martin Ødegaard, still recovering from a previous ankle‑ligament injury sustained on international duty, did not feature in the final and subsequently withdrew from Norway’s squad. Arsenal’s injury list continued to grow on Friday when Noni Maduke (England) and Piero Hincapié (Ecuador) limped out of their respective friendlies. Both are doubtful for the FA Cup clash with Southampton at St Mary’s, though the club hopes they may return sooner. Mid‑week, Martín Zubimendi became the eleventh Arsenal player to pull out of an international roster, citing pain in his left knee. The Spain midfielder has logged more Premier League minutes than any Arsenal player this season, edging out Declan Rice and Jurriën Timber. Despite the setbacks, Viktor Gyökeres showed full commitment to Sweden, scoring a hat‑trick in the play‑off against Ukraine and later netting the decisive goal against Poland. By contrast, Riccardo Calafiori returns to London after Italy’s 120‑minute defeat to Bosnia and Herzegovina, a match that highlighted Italy’s ongoing World Cup qualification woes. Arteta’s dilemma mirrors the challenges faced by Sir Alex Ferguson in the early 2000s, when the Manchester United legend famously limited his players’ international minutes. The modern Arsenal squad, arguably one of the deepest in Premier League history, now faces a delicate balancing act: preserving player fitness while competing on three fronts – the league, the FA Cup, and the Champions League quarter‑final against Sporting Lisbon next week in Portugal. With the club already having contested over 50 matches this season and potentially adding another 15 if they reach both cup finals, the psychological impact of another major‑trophy loss could be significant. Arteta will need his remaining fit players to step up and deliver, or risk seeing the season’s ambitions slip away.

The United States men's national team is gearing up for the World Cup, but their recent friendlies have left fans concerned. Over the past few months, the team has struggled, with more than six months without a win. However, this trend is not unprecedented. In 1994, the USMNT had a dismal run-in to the World Cup, winning just two games in 12 attempts, including a loss to Iceland. Despite these poor results, the 1994 team managed to survive the group stage and narrowly lost to eventual champions Brazil in the round of 16. This precedent may offer some consolation to current fans. The team's coach, Mauricio Pochettino, remains optimistic, stating that he is 'happy about the camp' and believes that 'we are not far away' from achieving their goals. Roberto Martínez, former Belgium manager, warned against reading too much into pre-World Cup results, stating that they are 'quite worthless'. This sentiment is echoed by the USMNT's history of performing well in the World Cup despite poor preparations. In 1950, the team lost their only tune-up game but stunned England 1-0 at the World Cup in Brazil. Similarly, in 2002, the USMNT made a deep run in the tournament despite losing several friendlies. The team's star player, Christian Pulisic, also remains positive, citing 'a lot of positives' from the recent friendlies. The USMNT's history suggests that their pre-tournament form may not be a reliable indicator of their performance. With the World Cup approaching, fans will be hoping that the team can defy their recent form and make a strong showing.

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian has urged the American people to look beyond the distortions and narratives surrounding the US-Israeli war on Iran and ask a critical question: whose interests are being served by this conflict?In an open letter addressed to the US public, Pezeshkian questioned whether President Donald Trump's 'America First' policy is truly a priority for the US government. He emphasized that the massacre of innocent children, destruction of cancer-treatment facilities, and boasting about bombing a country 'back to the stone ages' only serve to damage the United States' global standing.Pezeshkian also rejected portrayals of Tehran as a threat, noting that Iran had been attacked twice while its negotiators were engaged in nuclear talks – once by Israel in June 2025, with the US briefly joining in, and again at the end of February this year.The Iranian president stressed that attacking Iran's vital infrastructure, including energy and industrial facilities, directly targets the Iranian people and constitutes a war crime. Such actions, he argued, generate instability, increase human and economic costs, and perpetuate cycles of tension.Pezeshkian's letter comes amid escalating tensions, with Trump threatening to 'blast Iran into oblivion' unless the Strait of Hormuz is reopened. The US president also claimed that Iran's 'new regime president' had requested a ceasefire – a claim denied by Iranian officials.The Iranian leader also questioned whether the Trump administration was manipulated by Israel in launching the war against Iran. He asked whether America has entered this aggression as a proxy for Israel, influenced and manipulated by that regime.

The United States has been proposing unusual bilateral health agreements to developing countries, mostly in Africa, in exchange for access to sensitive health data and critical minerals. These deals have sparked concerns of exploitation and have been met with resistance from several countries.In November, the US approached Zimbabwean authorities with a proposal that would have provided over $300m in funding in return for sensitive health data. However, Harare felt that the negotiations were 'lopsided' and promptly pulled out.Zambia also pushed back against a similar proposal, citing 'problematic' clauses that sought access to the country's minerals, including copper, cobalt, and lithium. The US had offered $1bn in funding over five years, but Lusaka requested a review of the proposal.Several African countries, including Nigeria and Kenya, have signed the health pacts, but the terms agreed remain unclear.Data or mineral demands in return for health aid are unprecedented in the history of US-Africa relations. Policy experts argue that tying crucial funding to sensitive national assets could have negative consequences for African nations and the US itself.'Supporting global health has clear benefits to the United States in terms of prevention of pandemics that can affect Americans too,' said Sarang Shidore, Africa director at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft. 'Linking such aid to payoffs in the extraction of critical minerals smacks of exploitative practices.'African nations have long relied on US funding to foot many of their health bills. In 2024, African countries received $5.4bn in US assistance, largely spent on humanitarian, health, and disaster needs.However, the US has argued that aid cuts suit its America First agenda, which prioritizes national interests. The stance has been met with criticism, with some economists arguing that aid is often ineffective and causes overreliance.Washington is now focused on government-to-government deals, which have typically required governments to take on an increasing share of their own health budgets in the next four to five years.Some analysts see this as a positive move to reduce overdependence on foreign funding and force governments to prioritize health spending in their budgets. However, the clauses that Washington is demanding to leverage its aid for data, rare earth elements, and other minerals have caused widespread outrage in some countries.In the case of Zambia, the US reportedly asked for access to the country's critical minerals in return for $1bn over five years. The US also asked for a one-way data-sharing agreement for 10 years.If Lusaka fails to ink a deal, US aid funding to the country will be discontinued, which could mean losing the remnants of funding Zambia still receives from the PEPFAR programme.

The United States is expanding its military footprint in the Gulf as the US‑Israel war with Iran enters its second month. Since the Feb. 28 launch of Operation Epic Fury, a joint air campaign targeting Iranian military and nuclear sites, more than four weeks of strikes have resulted in thousands of casualties.Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced the deployment of a third aircraft carrier, the USS George HW Bush, joining the USS Abraham Lincoln, which is currently conducting daily combat sorties from the Arabian Sea, and the USS Gerald Ford, now under maintenance in Croatia.These carrier groups carry thousands of sailors, Marines and specialised support personnel, forming the core of the US’s power projection in the region.Carrier Strike Group (CSG) refers to an aircraft carrier plus its escort ships and support units that together function as a floating base. A typical CSG includes:An aircraft carrier60‑75 fighter jets and helicopters2‑4 Arleigh Burke‑class destroyersA guided‑missile cruiserA submarine for underwater protectionSupply shipsAs of April 1, the USS Abraham Lincoln remains the only carrier launching daily combat missions against Iranian targets, while the USS George HW Bush is en route and expected to eventually replace the Gerald Ford in the Mediterranean.Amphibious Ready Group (ARG) operates as a mini‑carrier, carrying US Marines and equipment for sea‑to‑land invasions. The USS Tripoli ARG arrived in the Middle East on March 27, and the USS Boxer ARG is expected to join the theater by mid‑April. An ARG typically comprises:Three specialised ships~2,200 Marines (a Marine Expeditionary Unit)Short‑takeoff aircraftLanding craft for beach assaultsThe key distinction: ARGs are built to land troops on shore, whereas CSGs are designed to project air power and conduct major naval warfare.A Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU) is a rapid‑response, self‑contained force of 2,200‑2,500 Marine Corps personnel capable of combat and humanitarian missions. On Friday, US Central Command confirmed that 2,200 Marines from the 31st MEU arrived in Middle Eastern waters after departing Sasebo, Japan, on March 13. A second unit, the 11th MEU with roughly 2,500 Marines, is inbound after leaving San Diego on March 18.The Pentagon has also ordered about 2,000 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division to move to the region, adding to the approximately 50,000 US troops already stationed in the Middle East.An MEU is organized into four elements:Command Element – ~200 personnel for planning and command‑and‑control.Ground Combat Element – ~1,200 troops centered on an infantry battalion with artillery and armoured vehicles.Aviation Combat Element – ~500 personnel operating transport helicopters, attack aircraft and Osprey tilt‑rotors.Logistics Combat Element – ~300 personnel providing up to 15 days of self‑sustainment, including medical, engineering and maintenance support.MEUs are typically deployed aboard a three‑ship ARG, which serves as a floating base. The ships include:Landing Helicopter Assault/Dock – a small carrier carrying short‑takeoff aircraft such as F‑35Bs and attack helicopters.Amphibious Transport Dock – a mid‑size vessel transporting troops and heavy vehicles.Dock Landing Ship – primarily for cargo and heavy equipment.MEUs can execute sea‑to‑land assaults, raids, evacuations, humanitarian aid and disaster‑relief operations, and they are often the first forces on the ground in emerging conflicts.The US Marine Corps maintains seven active MEUs; the 31st (Asia‑Pacific) and 11th (West Coast) are currently assigned to the Iran war. The other units are distributed as follows:East Coast: 22nd, 24th, 26th MEUWest Coast: 11th, 13th, 15th MEUAsia‑Pacific: 31st MEUTypically, three MEUs are forward‑positioned at any time, rotating through deployments in the Mediterranean, Gulf and Asia‑Pacific regions.Historically, MEUs have played pivotal roles in US operations: during the 2001 Afghanistan invasion, the 15th and 26th MEUs conducted one of the longest amphibious vertical insertions; in 2003‑2004 they helped secure Iraqi ports and fought in Fallujah; and in 2024 they provided sea‑based support for the attempted abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.

Iranian government supporters have taken to the streets to celebrate the anniversary of the 1979 referendum that solidified the Islamic Republic's hold on power. The celebrations come as the United States and Israel continue their attacks on the country.President Masoud Pezeshkian and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi joined pro-establishment rallies in Tehran, marking Islamic Republic Day with 98.2 percent of the popular vote in favor of the Islamic Republic in 1979.The US and Israel targeted Iran's top steel manufacturing companies, threatening thousands of jobs and exacerbating economic hardship under harsh US sanctions. Other attacks hit civilian nuclear sites, a university, and military installations.The Iranian state remains defiant, with authorities saying their defenses are prepared for potential US military action. Ahmad Reza Pourdastan, head of the Iranian army's research center, warned of 'heavy casualties' in response to any aggression.Iranians face an unprecedented near-total internet shutdown lasting over a month, creating a black market for VPN access and raising concerns about the future.The authorities have issued calls to action for people to participate in group marches while waving flags, with religious singers and eulogists performing religious songs drawing on Shia Islam's influence.

Ecuador's President Daniel Noboa has announced a significant decrease in homicides, with a 28% drop in March compared to the same period last year. This development comes as the country intensifies its fight against organized crime, with support from the United States.The government's anti-crime efforts have resulted in 4,300 arrests nationwide and the execution of 2,200 search warrants. Interior Minister John Reimberg attributed these successes to Noboa's leadership and the work of the Security Bloc, a task force composed of national police and military members.Reimberg expressed his commitment to continuing the effort, stating that the Security Bloc's deployment has yielded clear and measurable results. Defence Minister Gian Carlo Loffredo echoed this sentiment, emphasizing that the crackdown is just the beginning.However, concerns have been raised about potential human rights abuses amid the aggressive campaign against cartels. The US has provided intelligence and logistics to support Ecuador's military operation, which has been carried out on the ground by Ecuadorian forces.Noboa has compared Ecuador's struggles with criminal violence to a war, justifying a military-style response. The country's homicide rate has surged since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, and Noboa has largely embraced the 'mano dura' or 'iron fist' security policies of other regional leaders.Despite the reported successes, allegations have emerged of civilian safety being threatened. Colombia's President Gustavo Petro alleged that bombs had landed near civilian farms along the Ecuador-Colombia border, and unidentified bodies have been recovered.The allegations have prompted domestic scrutiny of Noboa's campaign, with some questioning whether the attacks are really accomplishing his objectives. Lawmaker Jahiren Noriega Donoso stated that the war launched by Noboa is not a war against crime, but against the poorest among us.

Washington, D.C. – In a historic session, the United States Supreme Court examined the Trump administration’s bid to curtail the long‑standing practice of granting citizenship to anyone born on American soil. The hearing drew a sizable crowd of civil‑rights and immigration advocates who decried the proposal as unconstitutional. Lawyers representing the administration argued that the 14th Amendment has been misread for over a century and that citizenship should be limited to children of parents who are legally domiciled in the United States. They contended that the phrase “subject to the jurisdiction thereof” permits the exclusion of infants born to undocumented or temporary‑status parents. Opposing counsel from the ACLU and other groups countered that the amendment’s language, reinforced by the 1898 United States v. Wong Kim Ark decision and the 1952 Immigration and Nationality Act, unequivocally guarantees citizenship regardless of parental status. “The rule was enshrined in the 14th Amendment to keep it out of reach of any official who might try to destroy it,” ACLU attorney Cecillia Wang said. The proceedings were underscored by President Donald Trump’s unprecedented presence in the courtroom, making him the first sitting president to attend Supreme Court oral arguments. Trump left the hearing abruptly, later posting on Truth Social that the United States is “the only country in the world stupid enough to allow ‘birthright’ citizenship.” Protesters such as 21‑year‑old Luis Villaguzman of LULAC expressed personal stakes, noting that the policy would strip benefits from pregnant immigrant mothers and jeopardize their children’s future. “This hits close to home,” he said. Justices probed the administration’s claims, with Justice Kentanji Brown Jackson asking, “Who is domiciled?” while Justice Samuel Alito highlighted the repeated references to “domicile” in the Wong Kim Ark opinion. Justice Brett Kavanaugh questioned why Congress had not clarified the citizenship scope in the 1952 statute, and Justice Amy Coney Barrett warned of the logistical chaos the order could create. Legal scholars warned that the executive order could affect roughly 255,000 infants annually, according to a joint analysis by the Migration Policy Institute and Penn State’s Population Research Institute, potentially creating a “self‑perpetuating, multigenerational underclass.” Outside the court, immigration advocates emphasized the broader implications: the measure could disenfranchise hundreds of thousands of children, many of Latino heritage, and compound the administration’s aggressive deportation agenda. The Court has not set a date for a final ruling, but the hearing offered a glimpse into the judicial scrutiny the case will face as the nation watches a potential reshaping of a core constitutional right.