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While the two‑week pause in the US‑Israel campaign against Iran remains uncertain, one constant is clear: Donald Trump lacks a concrete plan, but Benjamin Netanyahu does. The war’s stated aim – to cripple Iran’s state capacity – is only a stepping stone toward a larger vision of a Greater Israel. For Israel’s right‑wing, the phrase often evokes a purely territorial ambition: enlarging the land Israel claims. History shows this expansionist drive has repeatedly displaced Palestinians, a process that has accelerated dramatically in recent years. Since the war began, Israel has flattened Gaza, killing tens of thousands and reducing the civilian‑inhabitable area to roughly 12 % of its pre‑war size. In the West Bank, a wave of settlement expansion and property destruction rivals the scale of the 1967 conflict. Beyond the occupied territories, Israel has seized parts of Syria and is forging a de‑facto occupation zone in southern Lebanon, with ministers from Religious Zionism, Jewish Power and Likud openly demanding Israeli sovereignty there. Finance minister Bezalel Smotrich even called for an expansion “to Damascus,” and Netanyahu has publicly expressed a deep personal connection to this territorial vision. However, Greater Israel is as much a geopolitical and strategic construct as a land‑grab. Netanyahu’s ambition extends beyond occupying borders; he seeks a regional dominion built on new alliances and hard‑power dependencies. After the October 7 attacks and the ensuing Gaza devastation, Israel’s prospects for Arab‑state normalization stalled. Faced with a choice between a conciliatory approach and a zero‑sum rejection of a Palestinian future, Netanyahu chose the latter, aiming to eliminate Iran as a regional counterweight – a move that inevitably required massive US military involvement. Former Israeli security analysts note that, from the perspective of Sunni Gulf states, a weakened Iran would elevate Israel to the role of “dominant regional power.” Achieving this, according to the article, also means softening the Gulf Cooperation Council (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, UAE) and making them dependent on Israel for security and energy routes. The spill‑over of Iranian drone and missile attacks on GCC infrastructure is portrayed not as an accident but as a calculated element of Israel’s strategy. When the US‑Israel coalition struck Iranian energy sites, Iran retaliated against the Gulf, disrupting global oil flows through the Strait of Hormuz. Netanyahu seized the moment to propose “alternative routes” – oil and gas pipelines that would bypass Hormuz and Bab‑al‑Mandab, ending at Israeli Mediterranean ports. In a meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Netanyahu outlined a “hexagon of alliances” linking India, Arab nations, African states, Greece, Cyprus and other Asian partners, positioning Israel as the central hub. Recent IDF strategy papers echo this, suggesting Israel could achieve “operational control” far beyond its borders without permanent occupation, likening the Middle East to a “jungle” where Israel would become the “queen.” Netanyahu now describes Israel not merely as a “regional superpower” but, in some contexts, as a “global superpower.” He promises the hexagonal alliance will confront a “radical Shia axis” and an “emerging radical Sunni axis,” with Turkey singled out as the next strategic threat. Dismissal of the Greater Israel rhetoric as wartime hyperbole would be misleading. The article warns that a permanent war‑oriented mindset permeates Israel’s political elite, security establishment and media, posing a risk of overreach and regional blowback. Containing this expansive vision may become one of the most pressing post‑war challenges for the Middle East.

International activists are preparing to set sail from northeastern Spain to the Gaza Strip in a massive 70-boat flotilla, aiming to break Israel's devastating naval blockade and deliver much-needed humanitarian aid.The initiative, dubbed the 'Global Resilience Flotilla,' boasts a significant increase in participation, with about 1,000 volunteers from 70 countries taking part in the effort. The vessels, departing from the port of Barcelona, are loaded with food, medicine, school bags, and stationery for Palestinian children.Organisers say the mission is being carried out in coordination with Palestinian civil society organisations, maritime security experts, and prominent international NGOs, including Greenpeace and Open Arms—a charity known for its Mediterranean rescue operations. The flotilla has also received increased backing from the Barcelona municipality.Pablo Castilla, a spokesperson for the flotilla, told reporters in Barcelona that the primary goal is to 'condemn international complicity in the genocide committed by Israel in Gaza, demand accountability, and open a humanitarian corridor by sea and land'.Castilla noted a declining international focus on Gaza due to the ongoing United States-Israel war on Iran and Israeli attacks on Lebanon. He warned that Israel is exploiting this geopolitical shift to tighten its siege, restrict aid, expand settlements, and accelerate the occupation of Palestinian territory.The Gaza Strip, under an Israeli blockade since 2007, has faced an unprecedented humanitarian and health crisis since Israel's genocidal war against Palestinians in Gaza, which began in October 2023 and has killed more than 72,000 Palestinians.The prolonged assault has also devastated infrastructure, including hospitals, and left approximately 1.5 million of the enclave's 2.4 million residents displaced and homeless, amid severe restrictions on fuel and medical supplies.Since 2010, all flotillas attempting to break the Gaza blockade have been intercepted or attacked by Israel in international waters.

Tehran – Iranian officials warned that the United States must increase pressure for any peace agreement while urging their supporters to keep the streets under control.Parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf said the US delegation in Islamabad “failed to gain the trust of the Iranian delegation” during the marathon talks.US President Donald Trump announced an immediate naval blockade of the Strait of Hormuz and declared that US forces are “locked and loaded” to finish Iran at the “appropriate moment.”Iran hailed the delegation’s refusal to accept Washington’s core demands – ending nuclear enrichment and relinquishing control of the Strait – as a sign of defiant resolve.Judiciary chief Gholam‑Hossein Mohseni‑Ejei thanked the Islamabad team for “guarding the rights” of government supporters, including paramilitary forces that have been gathering in Tehran’s main squares for more than six weeks.State television aired an IRGC aerospace officer urging flag‑waving crowds not to worry, stating, “If the enemy does not understand, we will make them understand,” which was met with cheers demanding more missile and drone attacks.Iranian officials blamed Trump’s “excessive demands” for the talks’ failure, noting the Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not expect an agreement after a single day of negotiations.Hard‑line parliamentarians expressed satisfaction with the stalemate, viewing Iran as holding the upper hand. Deputy speaker Hamidreza Haji‑Babaei said only a UN Security Council resolution signalling US surrender would lift sanctions on Iran.Lawmaker Amir Hossein Sabeti of the Paydari faction thanked the negotiating team for standing by red lines and called for “resistance in the field against these evildoers.”The sudden announcement of a two‑week cease‑fire left pro‑state voices disappointed; local media reported the Iranian delegation numbered over 85 members, including state‑affiliated journalists and factional analysts.The talks confirmed that a diplomatic breakthrough was not imminent and hinted at further escalation, though not necessarily a return to full‑scale fighting.National security commission head Ebrahim Azizi dismissed Trump’s blockade threats as “excessive talk.”The IRGC warned it would meet any vessel passing the Strait of Hormuz with “full force” and rejected US claims that two warships had already transited the waterway.Russian President Vladimir Putin told Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian he remains ready to facilitate a Middle‑East peace settlement.Pezeshkian, focused on domestic affairs, reaffirmed support for Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and announced that schools and universities will continue online via a limited intranet.Iran’s economy continues to suffer from chronic inflation, rising unemployment and a near‑total internet shutdown, deepening public hardship.

Day 44 of the US‑Iran war ended without a peace deal as a marathon 21‑hour session in Islamabad collapsed, jeopardising the fragile cease‑fire that has held since the conflict began over six weeks ago.Vice President JD Vance, leading the US delegation, told reporters that the lack of an agreement was "bad news for Iran much more than it’s bad news for the United States of America," before departing Pakistan.Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar pledged that Islamabad would continue to facilitate dialogue between the two longtime adversaries.In Iran, officials downplayed expectations, noting that no one anticipated a settlement in a single session. State‑run IRIB quoted ministry spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei saying the talks were never expected to conclude quickly. Meanwhile, Tehran residents expressed a mix of scepticism and hope after weeks of air attacks that have left a nation of 93 million people reeling; more than 2,000 Iranians have been killed in the US‑Israel‑Iran conflict.In the United States, Vance reiterated that the delegation left with a "final and best offer" for Iran, emphasizing that Washington had communicated its position repeatedly during the talks. He cited multiple conversations with President Donald Trump, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, and Central Command head Brad Cooper. Trump, however, maintained that the US had already "won" on the battlefield by eliminating Iranian leaders and key infrastructure, stating that a deal would not alter the outcome.The US military reported that two destroyers transited the Strait of Hormuz ahead of planned mine‑clearing operations – a first since hostilities began – though Iran’s state media claimed the joint command denied the movement.Academic David Des Roches of the Thayer Marshall Institute told Al Jazeera that while Washington clarified its stance, it did not shift its core demand: preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon.In Lebanon, Israel continued strikes, claiming to have hit a "loaded and ready‑to‑launch rocket launcher" in Jouaiya, southern Lebanon. Protests have erupted in Beirut against any direct Israel‑Lebanon negotiations. The Lebanese Ministry of Public Health reported at least 2,020 deaths and 6,436 injuries from Israeli attacks since March 2.In Israel, Channel 12 reported that a drone launched from Lebanon triggered sirens in the Upper Galilee before being intercepted.The stalemate has kept global oil and gas prices soaring, underscoring the broader economic ripple effects of a war that shows no sign of abating.

Palestinian communities expressed deep outrage after Israel announced the approval of new settlement projects in the occupied West Bank. The decision, seen as a further expansion of Israeli presence in the territory, has intensified existing disputes and drawn criticism from regional observers.

Israeli airstrikes across southern Lebanon have killed at least 18 people, including eight civilians in a village near Sidon and ten victims – among them three emergency workers – in the Nabatieh district, according to Lebanon’s Health Ministry. The ministry’s latest figures show the conflict, which erupted on March 2 after Hezbollah fired rockets in support of Iran, has now claimed 2,020 lives and wounded 6,436 since Lebanon was drawn into the U.S.–Israel war on Iran. In a separate incident, two Israeli paratroopers were wounded by shrapnel during clashes with Hezbollah forces in the south, as reported by Israel’s Channel 13. Amid the escalating violence, President Joseph Aoun announced that Lebanese, Israeli and U.S. officials will convene in Washington next week to discuss a ceasefire and the framework for future negotiations under U.S. auspices. Hezbollah, however, has reiterated its refusal to engage in direct talks with Israel, labeling the proposed negotiations a “blatant violation of the national pact, the constitution and Lebanese law,” according to lawmaker Hassan Fadlallah. Pro‑Hezbollah demonstrators gathered near the government headquarters in central Beirut, waving the group’s yellow flag and the Iranian standard, to protest the planned talks. Hezbollah and its ally, the Amal Movement, later urged supporters to refrain from further demonstrations, citing the need for stability and civil peace. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu emphasized that any peace settlement must be lasting and called for the disarmament of Hezbollah, underscoring the deep strategic divide. While the United States and Iran announced a tentative ceasefire this week, the agreement’s applicability to Israel’s campaign in Lebanon remains uncertain. Iranian officials claim they secured a U.S. assurance that Israel will reduce attacks on Lebanon, but no confirmation has been received from Israeli authorities regarding a ceasefire or a reduction in hostilities. These diplomatic efforts coincide with historic in‑person ceasefire talks between the U.S. and Iran in Islamabad, Pakistan, highlighting the broader regional stakes of the Lebanon‑Israel conflict.

US Vice‑President JD Vance addressed a podium in Pakistan, confirming that after a marathon 21‑hour negotiation no settlement had been secured to end the conflict with Iran. Meanwhile, President Donald Trump was in Miami watching a mixed‑martial‑arts fight, a stark contrast that underscored the administration’s focus on spectacle over substantive diplomacy. The breakdown was not accidental. Washington insists Iran must relinquish any capacity to develop a nuclear weapon, whereas Tehran maintains its right to a civilian nuclear programme and rejects the notion of a weapons agenda. The US “final and best offer” demanded a complete surrender of that capability, a condition more akin to imposing victory than fostering negotiation. Compounding the impasse, the United States sought unrestricted navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, a critical artery for global energy supplies. Iran, however, pressed for transit fees, lifted sanctions, unfrozen assets, reparations, and a broader regional cease‑fire. The divergent demands meant that a single round of talks could not bridge the gap, resulting in negotiations devoid of trust and a war without a clear resolution. Historical wisdom, echoed by Winston Churchill’s famous remark that "jaw‑jaw is better than war‑war", highlights the high cost of continued fighting. Ironically, the current US‑Iran dispute revolves around a nuclear programme that was once restrained by a deal the Trump administration later abrogated, and a maritime route that the same administration helped ignite by launching the conflict. The fragile cease‑fire’s survival now hinges not only on Washington and Tehran but also on Israel’s expanding offensive in southern Lebanon against Hezbollah, an operation that has drawn accusations of war crimes and threatens to widen the regional conflagration. Financial markets are unlikely to react positively to recent developments. American voters are already feeling the impact of surging fuel prices, and Trump’s consideration of a naval blockade of the Strait of Hormuz could exacerbate the situation. Disrupting a route that carries roughly one‑fifth of global oil would push prices higher, with ripple effects far beyond the Gulf. The current cease‑fire is set to expire in just over a week. While diplomatic talks have not formally ended, a stalemate persists and the logic of escalation is gaining traction. Iran appears unlikely to concede, opting instead to test US resolve at sea. Seasonal heat may limit a full‑scale ground offensive for now, but the risk of a shift toward naval confrontations, airstrikes, and proxy warfare looms, offering no winners—only further loss.

Two planes of Iranian negotiators, many from the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, arrived in Pakistan to confront a 21‑hour deadline for talks that span two decades of nuclear tension and new strategic concerns such as control of the Strait of Hormuz and U.S. compensation for past attacks.The United States responded with a delegation that included Vice‑President JD Vance and roughly 300 officials, signaling a recognition that Iran’s seasoned team—featuring figures like Ali Bagheri Kani and former chief negotiator Abbas Araghchi—was well‑prepared.During the marathon, Vance held multiple conversations with former President Donald Trump and, notably, with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Iranian officials claimed the Netanyahu call hardened the U.S. stance, underscoring the delicate diplomatic balance.Veteran negotiators Robert Malley and Aaron David Miller warned that the time frame was either too long for a mere reiteration of rejected demands or far too short for genuine negotiation, highlighting a strategic misreading of Tehran’s position.Vance concluded the session by presenting what he described as a “best and final offer,” leaving the door open for further dialogue pending Iranian acceptance.Meanwhile, President Donald Trump signaled an intention to impose a blockade of the Strait of Hormuz—a move that could inflate global oil prices and further destabilize the region.Iran’s objectives included drafting a memorandum of understanding to extend a tentative ceasefire and address three core issues: an end to Israel’s offensive in Lebanon, a governance framework for Hormuz shipping, and the disposition of its highly enriched uranium stockpile, whether through UN‑supervised down‑blending or export to a third party.Vance emphasized the need for an affirmative Iranian commitment not to pursue a nuclear weapon or the rapid pathways to one, a demand that intersects with ongoing debates about Iran’s sovereign right to enrich uranium—a capability currently null after recent U.S. strikes.In practice, Iran is already exercising selective control over Hormuz traffic, allowing 2 million barrels of Iraqi oil and 4 million barrels of Saudi oil to pass, a tactic described by an Iranian parliamentarian as a “continuous atomic bomb” that provides strategic depth.Beyond the diplomatic impasse, Iran confronts severe domestic challenges: hyperinflation approaching triple‑digit levels, an internet blackout threatening economic activity, and a political climate marked by assassination threats. These pressures compound the difficulty of achieving a sustainable peace settlement.

Zappa Montag walks through a 76‑hectare (189‑acre) forest of redwoods, madrones and oaks that he co‑manages with five other Black residents at Black to the Land in Boonville, California. Powered by solar panels and supplied by a well, the off‑grid ecovillage embodies Montag’s goal to “reverse‑gentrify the country” by creating a self‑sufficient sanctuary for Black people. Intentional communities—small groups united by shared values—have long served Black and Indigenous peoples, ranging from urban co‑housing to rural ecovillages. In the post‑slavery era, tightly knit Black networks relied on mutual aid for business and farming, a tradition that is resurfacing in places like Alabama, Massachusetts and California as a way to revive ancestral agricultural knowledge. Montag and his daughter Bibi Sarai first imagined Black to the Land in 2015, frustrated by the rapid gentrification of Oakland. After a 2021 introduction to the declining Emerald Earth Sanctuary in Mendocino County, the nonprofit transferred stewardship of the property to their group through a verbal and written agreement. Montag describes the hand‑over as a form of reparations—instead of cash, they invest time learning land stewardship. Tragedy struck in February 2023 when Bibi Sarai died unexpectedly. Yet, reports that visitors felt uplifted after summer stays convinced Montag to stay permanently, turning grief into a catalyst for the community’s growth. Today, the community—members ranging from their late 20s to mid‑50s—funds land maintenance through grants, workshops and fundraising. They host classes on building, gardening and foraging, while some members work remotely to cover personal expenses. African plant‑medicine practitioners prepare herbal remedies, and a partnership with Ghanaian ecovillage leaders introduces natural‑building techniques. In addition to cultivating vegetables, the residents construct clay dwellings, practice yoga, and collectively manage chores such as fire‑wood gathering and trench‑building to prevent driveway flooding. Self‑reliance is the guiding principle, especially amid today’s economic uncertainty. The BIPOC Intentional Community Council, founded in 2020, supports Black and brown groups in establishing similar settlements by providing funding, nonprofit‑formation workshops and land‑trust guidance. Board member Crystal Byrd Farmer notes a growing “back‑to‑the‑land” movement as people seek rural roots. While mainstream media sometimes label intentional communities as radical, Farmer argues they echo millennial human practices of mutual support. Most U.S. intentional communities remain majority‑white due to historic capital access, leaving people of color to feel culturally alienated in those spaces. In Alabama, the Ekvn‑Yefolecv ecovillage—run by Indigenous Maskoke families—reclaimed 3,105 hectares (7,674 acres) of ancestral land. Governed matriarchally, residents speak their language daily, practice traditional foraging, reintroduce buffalo and sturgeon, and share land title, offering a model of ecological sustainability and cultural preservation. Massachusetts hosts the Solidarity Arts & Education Decolonial Initiatives (SAEDi) collective, a communal home for women of color that blends art, food sovereignty and reparations work. Rent is adjusted to ability, and members contribute childcare, meals and chores. Plans include a garden, orchard, and a “green residency” program that will archive elders’ agricultural stories online, aiming to boost security for immigrant families amid rising xenophobia. The modern roots of Black intentional living trace back to 1969’s New Communities in Georgia, a civil‑rights‑era farming settlement that pioneered the nation’s first community land trust. Although federal opposition led to its collapse, a 2009 $12 million settlement acknowledged USDA discrimination. Today, the organization runs workshops on land stewardship and mentors new generations of Black farmers. For Montag, the land also serves as a personal memorial. A clay bench honors his late daughter Bibi Sarai, allowing him to “connect with humanity” and keep her spirit alive. Future plans include grief‑focused rituals and a memorial garden, underscoring the belief that joy and healing are essential components of communal living. Increased security and safety Marginalized groups view intentional communities as safe havens for preserving cultural practices and passing knowledge to youth. Elders’ expertise is documented for future generations, reinforcing resilience against systemic oppression. Empowering collective action From the civil‑rights farms of Georgia to contemporary ecovillages in California and Alabama, these settlements illustrate how shared land ownership, communal labor and cultural affirmation can counter gentrification, foster economic independence, and nurture intergenerational healing.