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U.S. President Donald Trump announced that the next nuclear accord with Iran will be “far better” than the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) he abandoned in 2018, adding new demands on enrichment, ballistic missiles and proxy groups as a two‑week cease‑fire in the US‑Israel‑Iran conflict nears its end.Key DevelopmentsTrump asserts the forthcoming deal will surpass the JCPOA, which limited Iran’s uranium enrichment to 3.67% and reduced centrifuges to 6,104.New US‑Israel demands include: zero uranium enrichment, removal of the estimated 440 kg of 60%‑enriched uranium, strict caps on ballistic‑missile development, and a halt to support for Hezbollah, the Houthis and other proxy forces.Negotiations are expected to shift to Islamabad, Pakistan after the current cease‑fire expires.Analyst Andreas Kreig (King’s College London) predicts any new pact will likely resemble the JCPOA with limited tweaks, not the sweeping concessions Trump touts.Data & Market ImpactU.S. sanctions imposed after the 2018 withdrawal cut Iran’s oil exports by roughly 60 %, slashing revenue by an estimated $30 billion per year.Frozen Iranian sovereign assets total about $150 billion; their release would inject significant liquidity into Iran’s banking sector.IAEA reports indicate Iran now holds 440 kg of 60%‑enriched uranium, enough to reach weapons‑grade (90%) in weeks if centrifuge capacity is fully utilized.Why This MattersThe outcome will shape three critical arenas:Regional security: A stricter deal could curb Iran’s missile reach, reducing the threat to Israel’s “Iron Dome” and to Gulf‑state oil infrastructure.Global non‑proliferation: Allowing zero enrichment would set a precedent that could pressure other volatile states to accept similar terms, but it also risks driving Tehran underground if perceived as punitive.Economic stability: Lifting sanctions would revive Iran’s oil exports, potentially adding $20‑30 billion to global supply and influencing crude prices.Expert InsightAndreas Kreig warns that Tehran’s political climate has hardened; the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps now dominates strategic decision‑making, making concessions on sovereignty unlikely. While the United Nations resolution attached to the JCPOA prohibited missile work linked to nuclear delivery, the new U.S. demand for outright missile bans exceeds that framework and could stall talks.Economic incentives—rapid asset release and sanction relief—are the primary leverage for Washington. However, without a credible verification regime comparable to the JCPOA’s intrusive IAEA inspections, any “better” deal may lack enforceability, increasing the risk of clandestine enrichment.What Happens NextNegotiators are expected to convene in Islamabad within the next two weeks; the agenda will likely focus on enrichment thresholds and verification mechanisms.If talks stall, both sides may resort to further kinetic actions, as seen in recent strikes on Natanz, Isfahan and Bushehr facilities.International actors—EU, China, Russia—are poised to mediate, pushing for a compromise that balances sanctions relief with robust monitoring.Long‑term, the region’s stability hinges on whether the U.S. can deliver tangible economic benefits to Iran while securing verifiable limits on its nuclear and missile programs.

The Race Against a Vanishing Ceasefire Window As JD Vance prepares to fly to Islamabad, Pakistan is scrambling to persuade Iran to sit down with the United States before the cease‑fire expires on Wednesday evening Washington time (early Thursday in the Middle East). Pakistani officials remain cautiously hopeful, but a series of US actions over the past 48 hours have injected fresh scepticism into the mediation effort. Escalation on the Ground: US Deployments and Naval Seizures In the last three days, at least nine US aircraft have landed in Pakistan carrying personnel and equipment for the Vance‑led team. The US delegation, including Special Envoy Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner, previously led the first round of talks on April 11. Simultaneously, US naval forces have intensified pressure at sea, boarding the Iranian‑flagged cargo ship Touska in the Gulf of Oman and a second vessel, M/T Tifani, in the Asia‑Pacific. Tehran denounced the actions as “extremely dangerous” and a breach of the cease‑fire. Numbers Shaping the Standoff Eight weeks into the US‑Iran war. Two‑week cease‑fire set to end Wednesday evening (US) / early Thursday (Middle East). Nine US aircraft deployed to Pakistan. Two Iranian‑linked ships seized by US forces. Iran’s parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf publicly rejected negotiations under threat. Regional Ripple Effects: From Islamabad to the Strait of Hormuz The blockade of the Strait of Hormuz remains the central bargaining chip. Analysts note that Iran’s willingness to soften its stance may hinge on a tangible easing of the naval blockade, while the US seeks to remove the “Hormuz card” entirely. The internal split between the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and Tehran’s diplomatic corps adds another layer of complexity, with the IRGC pushing for a hard‑line stance and threatening attacks on passing tankers. Pakistan’s unique position – maintaining security ties with both Washington and Tehran – makes its framing of the negotiations critical. A successful mediation could preserve regional stability; a collapse risks a rapid return to full‑scale conflict. What Lies Ahead: Scenarios for the Next Round of Talks If Iran sends a delegation, a second round is slated to begin on Wednesday. Possible outcomes include: Breakthrough: A limited agreement on the blockade and a temporary pause on uranium enrichment, allowing limited Iranian oil shipments. Stalemate: Iran refuses to attend, the truce expires, and hostilities resume, potentially escalating across the Gulf region. Partial Deal: Both sides agree to extend the cease‑fire while continuing back‑channel talks, keeping the door open for a comprehensive settlement. Analysts warn that failure to secure a deal could lead to “devastating destruction,” as the war has already demonstrated a high willingness on both sides to employ military force to achieve strategic objectives.

The Escalating US-Iran Standoff United States President Donald Trump has claimed a second round of negotiations with Iran will take place in Pakistan on Tuesday as mediators try to revive negotiations before the end of an ongoing yet fragile two-week ceasefire. The announcement on Sunday came alongside a sharp escalation in rhetoric. Trump warned that Iran must agree to a deal "one way or another – the nice way or the hard way" and threatened to target key infrastructure if negotiations fail. He also renewed his threat of striking "bridges and power plants", which experts said could amount to war crimes under international law. Iran, however, has so far denied it will participate in the talks, accusing the US of "armed piracy" after US forces struck and seized an Iran-linked tanker on Sunday, further heightening tensions between the longtime adversaries. US Position and Demands On Sunday, Trump announced that US negotiators would travel to the Pakistani capital, Islamabad, on Monday for talks aimed at ending the US-Israel war on Iran. In a social media post, the president did not say which officials would be sent to the talks. Last weekend's first round of talks, at which Vice President JD Vance led the US delegation, ended without a deal. Trump accused Iran of violating their two-week ceasefire, which is due to expire on Wednesday, by opening fire on Saturday in the Strait of Hormuz. The US president threatened to destroy civilian infrastructure in Iran if it doesn't accept the terms of the deal being offered by the US. "We're offering a very fair and reasonable deal, and I hope they take it because, if they don't, the United States is going to knock out every single power plant, and every single bridge, in Iran," Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform. In a further escalation, Trump said an Iranian-flagged ship called the Touska was "stopped" by US forces in the Gulf of Oman "by blowing a hole in the engine room". He said it was trying to get past the US naval blockade of Iranian ports. US forces boarded the ship and took physical control of the vessel. Iran's Response and Position Iran's Khatam al-Anbiya military headquarters confirmed the US attack on the Iranian-flagged tanker and said it would "respond soon". Then, Iran's Tasnim News Agency reported that Iranian forces had sent drones in the direction of US military ships. Ebrahim Azizi, the head of the Iranian parliament's National Security Committee, told Al Jazeera that Iran's actions during talks with the US are strictly guided by national interests and security. When asked if Tehran intends to participate in the talks in Islamabad, he said, "Iran acts based on national interests." "We see the current negotiations as a continuation of the battlefield, and we see nothing other than the battlefield in this," he said. "If it yields achievements that sustain those of the battlefield, then the negotiation arena is also an opportunity for us … but not if the Americans intend to turn this into a field of excessive demands based on their bullying approach." Key Points of Friction Since the start of the war on February 28, a number of new sticking points have emerged – alongside old challenges: Strait of Hormuz Dispute A central dispute is over the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global shipping route linking the Gulf to the Arabian Sea. One-fifth of the world's oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies were shipped through the strait before the war began. Iran insists on sovereignty over the waterway, which lies within the territorial waters of Iran and Oman and does not fall into international waters, and stated that only "nonhostile" ships could pass. It has also floated the idea of levying tolls while Washington demands full freedom of navigation. After the war began, Iran in effect closed the strait by forbidding transits, attacking ships and reportedly laying sea mines. Shipping traffic has since dropped by 95 percent. A week ago, the US implemented a blockade of its own. Its Navy has been blocking Iranian ports to pressure Tehran to reopen the vital waterway, adding another obstacle to the talks. According to Rob Geist Pinfold, a lecturer in international security at King's College London, Trump's stance on the strait has shifted during the conflict and remains unclear. "We've had Trump say that he would be open to jointly controlling the Strait of Hormuz with Iran, where both sides collect a toll for shipping," Geist Pinfold noted, calling this "completely different to the demands of the US on paper but also the demands of the US's regional allies like the Gulf states and Israel, … who would regard any deal that entrenches Iranian control of the Strait of Hormuz … as a stab in the back". "This isn't just between the US and Iran. It's about the US having to keep its regional allies on side," Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera. Nuclear Enrichment Standoff Another core issue is Iran's nuclear programme, particularly its stock of enriched uranium. The US and Israel are pushing for zero uranium enrichment and have accused Iran of working towards building a nuclear weapon while providing no evidence for their claims. Iran has insisted its enrichment effort is for civilian purposes only. It is a signatory to the 1970 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). In 2015, the US was a signatory to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) under then-US President Barack Obama. In that agreement, Iran pledged to limit its uranium enrichment to 3.67 per cent, which is substantially below weapons grade, and to comply with inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to insure it wasn't developing nuclear weapons. In return, international sanctions on Iran were lifted. However, in 2018, during his first term, Trump withdrew the US from the JCPOA despite the IAEA saying Iran had complied with the agreement up to that point. In March 2025, Tulsi Gabbard, the US director of national intelligence, testified to Congress that the US "continues to assess that Iran is not building a nuclear weapon". A month later, the IAEA estimated that Iran had 440kg (970lb) of 60-percent enriched uranium. While that is also below weapons grade, it is a short jump to achieve the 90-percent purity needed for atomic weapons production. On Sunday, in strongly worded comments, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian said Trump had no justification to ⁠⁠"deprive" Iran of its nuclear ⁠⁠rights. Maryam Jamshidi, a law professor at the University of Colorado in Boulder, said Iran's position on enrichment is based on Article IV of the NPT, "which recognises that all state parties [to the treaty] have the inalienable right to research, develop and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes". "In demanding that Iran have no enrichment, the United States is denying Iran its rights under this treaty," she told Al Jazeera. "In insisting that its right to enrichment be preserved, Iran is expressing a reasonable desire to be treated the same as any other state under international law." Lebanon Conflict Complicates Talks Two days after the first US-Israeli strikes on Tehran on February 28, in which Supreme Leader Ali Khamanei was killed, the Iran-backed Hezbollah group in Lebanon began firing rockets and drones into northern Israel, and Israel struck back, launching an invasion into southern Lebanon. Iran is adamant that its ceasefire with the US extends to Lebanon and is demanding Israel end its offensive against its ally Hezbollah and its invasion of Lebanon. After initially denying the two-week ceasefire included Lebanon, Israel accepted a 10-day truce starting on Thursday night after direct Israel-Lebanon talks. However, that ceasefire is also teetering on collapse amid renewed hostilities. On Monday, the Israeli military claimed that it struck a loaded launch system in the Kfarkela area of southern Lebanon overnight while Hezbollah claimed responsibility for multiple explosions that it said hit a convoy of eight Israeli armoured vehicles, also in southern Lebanon. Hezbollah is Tehran's most powerful ally in the region and a central part of its "axis of resistance", a network of armed groups across the Middle East aligned with Iran against Israel. The network also includes Yemen's Houthis and a collection of armed groups in Iraq. Evolving US Demands Before the US-Israeli war on Iran, Tehran had always insisted negotiations be exclusively focused on Iran's nuclear programme. US demands, however, have extended beyond the nuclear file. Before the war, Washington and Israel demanded severe restrictions on Iran's ballistic missile programme. Iran has said its ability to maintain its missile capabilities is non-negotiable. On February 25, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio warned that Iran's refusal to discuss its missile programme was a "big problem". Yet, since the two-week ceasefire was announced on April 8 and the Pakistan-brokered negotiations began, the US has not made any mention of Iran's ballistic missiles, which have been a major feature in Iran's retaliation against US and Israeli forces. Regime Change and Proxy Support The US and Israel have also made no secret of their desire for a change in Iran's government. Asked two weeks before the war began if he wished for a toppling of the government in Tehran, Trump said: "Seems like that would be the best thing that could happen." After the killing of Khamenei and multiple other senior Iranian leaders, Trump claimed the US-Israel war had in effect brought about "regime change", claiming key leadership layers were "decimated". Experts, however, disputed Trump's assertions, saying the government was very much intact, if not stronger. Salar Mohandesi, a professor at Bowdoin College in Maine, argued that despite US claims, what is happening in Iran does not meet any serious definition of "regime change". "The fundamental structures of the Islamic Republic are intact, and the new leaders are regime loyalists who are arguably more hardline than their assassinated predecessors," he told Al Jazeera. Mohandesi said the war has arguably strengthened the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), something that is an "acceleration of an existing" trend and does not necessarily amount to regime change, "certainly not in the way Trump means it". "Trump's declaration that he has succeeded in 'regime change' is just a rhetorical move to try to claim victory where none exists," he added. Proxy Group Support Three days before the war began during his State of the Union address to the US Congress, Trump accused Iran and "its murderous proxies" of spreading "nothing but terrorism and death and hate". The US and Israel have long demanded Iran stop supporting its nonstate allies – primarily Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen and a number of groups in Iraq. Tehran to date has refused to enter into any dialogue about limiting its support for these armed groups. But on Friday, Trump claimed Iran had agreed to almost all of the US demands, including support for its proxies. A statement by Iran's Ministry of Foreign Affairs rejected that any such agreement was in place, saying: "The Americans talk excessively and create noise around the situation. Do not be misled!" Prospects for a Breakthrough On Sunday, Iran's top negotiator and speaker of its parliament, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, acknowledged that while "conclusions" had been reached on some issues, "we are far from a final agreement." Analyst Geist Pinfold told Al Jazeera that deep divisions between the US and Iran make a comprehensive deal unlikely in the near term despite some openings created by Trump's shifting positions. "The primary complication that would mean a deal is less likely but also one of the potential curveballs that would make a deal more likely is the Trump administration's equivocations regarding what its red lines actually are," he said. "At the moment, the gaps look insurmountable," Geist Pinfold added, noting that "the best-case scenario would be the extension of the ceasefire rather than the actual deal." The US-Iran talks face major structural obstacles despite growing speculation about a negotiated end to the current crisis, according to Bowdoin College's Mohandesi. "Donald Trump feels that he needs to somehow convert this disastrous defeat into some sort of win," he noted, adding: "It's unclear what that would look like at the negotiating table." On the Iranian side, Mohandesi sees little room for compromise on the core strategic issues. "Iran will absolutely not abandon its missile programme. It will not stop supporting its allies in the region, and it will almost certainly not agree to zero enrichment," he said. The academic questioned whether even a restoration of maritime traffic would constitute meaningful success for Washington. Even if Trump "were to somehow convince Iran to return the Strait of Hormuz to the pre-war status quo, it's unclear how that would be a major win since the strait was open before he started the war", Mohandesi said.

Recent talks in Islamabad between Washington and Tehran collapsed, reflecting the stark mismatch between the United States' 15‑point proposal and Iran's 10‑point counter‑offer. The brief negotiations, led by U.S. Vice‑President JD Vance, failed to bridge core disagreements on nuclear policy and regional security. Vance attributed the breakdown to Iran's outright rejection of U.S. terms, while President Donald Trump responded by imposing a naval blockade of the Strait of Hormuz. Such a blockade is legally an act of war, raising the specter of Iranian retaliation against Gulf monarchies and a sharp spike in global oil, diesel, and LNG prices. Both sides, however, have not ruled out renewed negotiations. Pakistan and Egypt are quietly mediating, recognizing that a renewed conflict would deepen President Trump's domestic challenges—rising inflation, declining poll numbers, and the approaching midterm elections—while also exacerbating Iran's economic hardship and social unrest. The proposed diplomatic framework focuses on three pillars: Limited uranium enrichment: The U.S. would acknowledge Iran's right, under the Non‑Proliferation Treaty, to enrich uranium for peaceful purposes, capping enrichment at 3.67% (the 2015 JCPOA limit). Monitoring would be conducted by the IAEA through electronic and on‑site inspections, with a potential 20‑year renewable agreement. Sanctions relief and asset release: In exchange for Iran dropping its demand for war reparations, the United States would lift primary and secondary sanctions and unfreeze all Iranian assets. Additionally, Iran would be authorized to levy a $2 million fee per oil tanker transiting Hormuz, shared with Oman, provided it guarantees innocent passage under a multinational oversight coalition that includes Russia and China. Security guarantees: Iran would issue a written pledge not to develop nuclear weapons, echoing the late Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s injunction. Simultaneously, the U.S. and UN Security Council would endorse a non‑aggression pact between the two nations, with parallel agreements possible for Gulf states. For the plan to succeed, three conditions must be met: Washington must make genuine concessions; President Trump must extend the 22 April cease‑fire deadline and allow sufficient time for complex negotiations; and any Israeli offensive against Iran must be avoided, as it would jeopardize the entire process. Rajan Menon, professor emeritus of international relations at CUNY’s Powell School and senior research fellow at Columbia University’s Saltzman Institute, outlines this pragmatic approach as a means to avert a full‑scale war and secure a durable peace in the Middle East.

A Pakistani delegation headed by Army Chief General Asim Munir arrived in Tehran on Wednesday, bearing a fresh message from Washington and urging the launch of a second round of negotiations between the United States and Iran. The effort comes as the two‑week ceasefire that halted hostilities last week is set to expire on April 22, leaving a narrow window to end a war that has claimed more than 4,000 lives across the Middle East, primarily in Iran and Lebanon. The initial round of talks, held in Islamabad on April 11‑12, marked the most significant direct engagement between Washington and Tehran in decades. Mediated by Pakistan, the sessions lasted over 20 hours and featured both indirect and direct exchanges between U.S. Vice President JD Vance and senior Iranian officials led by Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf. Despite covering core issues—nuclear programme, sanctions relief, frozen assets and control of the Strait of Hormuz—the talks concluded without a memorandum, with Vance asserting that Iran “did not accept our terms” and that the U.S. requires a “fundamental commitment” to forego nuclear weapons. President Donald Trump has described the conflict as “very close to being over” and hinted that a second round could resume within days, possibly in Islamabad. However, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif is currently on a four‑day tour of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey to rally regional backing, making a rapid return to Islamabad uncertain. U.S. officials have offered an “in‑principle” agreement to extend the ceasefire, yet a Reuters‑cited source confirmed that Washington has not formally committed to an extension. Meanwhile, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan expressed optimism, stating that “there can be no negotiating with clenched fists.” Key sticking points remain: Nuclear programme: The United States and Israel demand a complete halt to uranium enrichment, accusing Iran of weaponization despite a lack of public evidence. Iran maintains its enrichment is for civilian use and cites its obligations under the 1970 Non‑Proliferation Treaty. Strait of Hormuz: One‑fifth of global oil and LNG passes through this chokepoint. Since the February strikes, shipping through the strait has dropped by 95 %. Iran permits passage for “non‑hostile” vessels and seeks the right to levy tolls, while the U.S. insists on unrestricted navigation. Lebanon/Hezbollah: Iran demands that Israel cease its offensive against Hezbollah. While Tehran claims the ceasefire covers Lebanon, both the United States and Israel reject this, and Israel continues attacks on Hezbollah positions. Complicating the diplomatic landscape, President Trump announced a naval blockade of Iranian ports, adding pressure on Tehran and potentially hindering any imminent talks. With the ceasefire deadline looming and regional actors issuing mixed signals, the prospects for a renewed U.S.–Iran dialogue hinge on whether Pakistan can secure a consensus among the parties before the window closes.

Negotiations between Washington and Tehran are expected to resume in Islamabad within days, placing President Donald Trump under intense pressure to deliver an Iran accord that can be credibly billed as superior to the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) brokered by former President Barack Obama. Two tests dominate the diplomatic calculus: the deal must demonstrably exceed the Obama agreement, and it must ensure that Iran derives no lasting strategic advantage, particularly over the vital Strait of Hormuz. While direct comparisons with the 159‑page JCPOA are imperfect—given the evolution of Iran’s nuclear program and the emergence of non‑nuclear concerns—the Trump team is framing its objectives around four pivotal issues. 1. Enrichment suspension: In Geneva on 26 February, the U.S. demanded a 10‑year freeze on all domestic uranium enrichment, a figure Iran’s foreign minister deemed unrealistic beyond three years. In Islamabad, the U.S. escalated the ask to a 20‑year suspension, yet Trump publicly dismissed even that, insisting on a permanent ban. The practical timeline for Iran to restart enrichment after the damage to its facilities remains uncertain. 2. Highly enriched uranium (HEU) stockpile: The original JCPOA capped uranium enrichment at 3.65% and limited the stockpile to 300 kg. Iran now holds 440.9 kg of 60%‑enriched uranium—a material that can be rapidly converted to weapons‑grade (90%)—mostly stored as UF₆ gas in scuba‑tank‑sized canisters. Tehran offered to down‑blend this stockpile to 3.67% in an irreversible process, mirroring the 2015 deal’s provisions. The U.S., however, is pressing for the entire stockpile to be removed from Iran under American supervision, a stance that raises questions about the relative merits of in‑country down‑blending versus export. 3. Sanctions relief: The JCPOA promised the release of roughly $100 billion in frozen Iranian assets and the lifting of oil trade restrictions, while retaining sanctions on terrorism, human rights, and missile proliferation. In the Geneva framework, over 80% of sanctions would be lifted, leaving only human‑rights‑related measures. Trump’s administration, wary of political backlash, seeks to attach conditions on how Iran can spend the relief, a demand Tehran rejects, insisting on a permanent, irreversible lifting of sanctions. 4. Non‑nuclear issues: Trump has repeatedly criticized the JCPOA for isolating Iran’s nuclear program from its broader regional behavior. The current negotiations must grapple with Iran’s ballistic‑missile program, support for proxy forces, and the strategic future of the Strait of Hormuz. Iranian officials are divided: one camp favors leveraging the strait for immediate revenue and national pride, while another views it as a diplomatic lever to secure a lasting ceasefire and security guarantees. The confluence of these challenges creates a “marshmallow test” for both sides—whether they can forgo short‑term temptations in favor of a durable, long‑term settlement. As the Trump presidency approaches its final year, the ability to craft a deal that convincingly outperforms the Obama era while addressing the expanded nuclear and geopolitical landscape will determine the legacy of U.S. policy on Iran and its impact on regional stability.

US President Donald Trump has indicated that peace talks between the US and Iran could potentially resume in Islamabad within the next two days. He expressed his appreciation for Pakistan's army chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir, describing him as doing a 'great job' in facilitating the negotiations.Trump made these comments while speaking to a New York Post reporter who had been in Islamabad for the initial round of ceasefire talks over the weekend. The president suggested that the talks could take place in Islamabad, stating, 'You should stay there, really, because something could be happening over the next two days, and we're more inclined to go there.'The possible resumption of talks comes after a period of heightened tensions, including a US naval blockade on ships using Iranian ports in the Gulf. This move was a response to Iran's near-total closure of the Strait of Hormuz to ships using other Gulf ports. The blockade led to a spike in oil prices, which later dipped to about $95 per barrel following reports of potential new negotiations.Meanwhile, US Vice-President JD Vance has expressed openness to further talks, emphasizing the need for Iran to show more flexibility. Vance noted that Iran had shown some flexibility in Islamabad but 'didn't move far enough' on key issues, such as a 20-year suspension of uranium enrichment.An Iranian official accused the US delegation of making 'maximalist demands' at the Islamabad talks, asserting that Iran would not surrender its positions either on the battlefield or at the negotiating table. The sticking points include Iran's stockpile of highly enriched uranium (HEU) and its demand for a shorter moratorium on uranium enrichment.Pakistan's Prime Minister, Shehbaz Sharif, is set to embark on a regional tour to Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Qatar to garner support for the peace process and discuss proposals to reopen the Strait of Hormuz. However, his trip may be shortened if negotiations resume promptly.

The ongoing conflict between the US and Israel and Iran has significantly altered the dynamics of the nuclear programme negotiations. Former US envoys who dealt with Iran have stated that the US-Israeli attack on Iran and Tehran's subsequent closure of the Strait of Hormuz have given Iran new tools and resolve to resist pressure to shutter its nuclear programme.Two senior negotiators for the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the Obama-era agreement to limit Iran's nuclear uranium enrichment in exchange for sanctions relief, said the Trump administration's war had handed Iran a coveted weapon by demonstrating its ability to cut off the Strait of Hormuz, an economic chokehold that one negotiator said would help Iran 'balance the asymmetry of power' with the US.Alan Eyre, a former diplomat who helped negotiate the JCPOA, noted that 'this administration, to say it more politely, cannot unsoil the bed. There's no way to get back to the status quo ante before this war started.'In 2018, Donald Trump withdrew the US from the JCPOA, which barred Tehran from enriching its uranium to weapons-grade. Trump called the deal 'one of the worst and most one-sided transactions' the US had ever entered into.However, after a strategy of high pressure – first through returning sanctions and then, after Trump's return to power in 2025, a war that was meant to destroy Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile capabilities – the current US administration has found itself in more complex negotiations than before its campaign of economic and military strikes.Robert Malley, a Yale lecturer who was former special envoy to Iran under Joe Biden and a lead negotiator on the JCPOA, said: 'The strait of Hormuz wasn't an issue before the US decided to strike. You have all the issues inherited from the past, but you just added a few, because the US has handed Iran a tool that it always had, but it never thought of using, or never felt it could.'The chances for a comprehensive agreement addressing all of the US and Iran's grievances appear slim. While the Obama administration sought to negotiate exclusively on Iran's nuclear programme in the lead-up to the 2015 agreement, the Trump administration has sought a broader deal limiting Iran's ballistic missiles programme and its support for regional proxies, such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen.

The White House has reiterated that the United States continues to reject any uranium enrichment inside Iran, reaffirming that US President Donald Trump did not agree to a 'wish list' submitted by Tehran. The US stance on uranium enrichment remains a major point of contention in talks between the two countries.Trump's spokesperson, Karoline Leavitt, suggested that the 10-point proposal put forward by Iran as the basis for a ceasefire in the US-Israel war on Iran differs from the proposal published by the government in Tehran. The proposal included Iran's right to enrich uranium, which the US has rejected."The president's red lines, namely the end of Iranian enrichment in Iran, have not changed," Leavitt said. This stance has been a major sticking point in previous talks between Tehran and Washington.Domestic uranium enrichment has been a contentious issue, with Iran insisting on enriching its own uranium as a national right, while the Trump administration has pushed for dismantling the Iranian nuclear programme altogether. The US and Israel have claimed victory in the conflict, while Iran has also claimed success.After more than 38 days of war, Washington and Tehran announced a two-week ceasefire that will see the US stop its attacks and Iran reopen the Strait of Hormuz. The first round of negotiations will take place in the Pakistani capital, Islamabad, on Saturday, led by US Vice President JD Vance, Special Envoy Steve Witkoff, and Trump's son-in-law, Jared Kushner.However, Iran's Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf cast doubt over the fate of the talks, citing US and Israeli violations of the ceasefire. The talks' success remains uncertain amid these tensions.