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Elvira Notari—Italy’s first and most prolific female filmmaker—crafted a vivid portrait of early‑20th‑century Naples through melodramas such as È piccerella (1922). The film opens with bustling pilgrimage scenes at the Candelora festival, juxtaposing flamboyant revelry with stark images of poverty, a visual strategy that challenged the sanitized narratives favored by the fascist regime.According to film scholar Giuliana Bruno, Notari’s work was driven by a desire to document reality, exposing class tensions and gendered oppression that Mussolini’s censors deemed unacceptable. A 1928 censorship law explicitly banned Neapolitan films featuring “stallholders, beggars, urchins, dirty alleyways,” effectively silencing Notari’s authentic street‑level storytelling.Despite directing around 60 feature films—many hand‑coloured—alongside her husband Nicola at Dora Film, only three titles (A Santanotte, È piccerella, Fantasia ‘e surdato) and fragments survive today, a loss directly attributable to fascist suppression and the prohibitive cost of sound‑film conversion.The newly released documentary Elvira Notari: Beyond Silence, produced by Antonella Di Nocera and directed by Valerio Ciriaci, reconstructs Notari’s fragmented career by collaborating with contemporary “artisans”—photographers, visual artists, novelists, and musicians who reinterpret her silent‑film aesthetics. Ciriaci notes that the absence of personal archives made the film’s investigative approach essential, turning Notari’s silence into a creative catalyst.Critics emphasize Notari’s lasting influence on Italian‑American auteurs such as Francis Ford Coppola and Martin Scorsese. Elements of her chaotic street festivals anticipate the wedding scenes in *The Godfather* and *Goodfellas*, while her raw urban tableaux echo the gritty New York sequences of *Taxi Driver*.Beyond cinematic technique, scholars like Cristina Jandelli argue that Notari’s intertitles reveal a pronounced class consciousness and a critique of women’s marginalisation in early 20th‑century Italy. Her use of Neapolitan dialect and unvarnished depictions of squalor directly opposed the regime’s propaganda‑driven vision of a unified, pristine Italy.After Dora Film collapsed in 1930, Notari retired to Cava de’ Tirreni and died in 1946, largely forgotten until recent scholarly revival. The documentary positions her as a “symbol of the right to memories,” underscoring the ongoing relevance of silenced female voices in cultural history.*Elvira Notari: Beyond Silence* will premiere at New York’s Film Forum on 6 April 2026 and tour the United Kingdom throughout April and May, offering audiences a chance to reconnect with a pioneering filmmaker whose work was once erased by fascism.

The United Nations‑backed Gang Suppression Force (GSF) announced on Wednesday that its first foreign troops have landed in Haiti, signalling a new phase in the international effort to tame the country’s spiralling gang warfare.An advance team of soldiers from Chad arrived in Port‑au‑Prince, accompanied by Jack Christofides, a South African UN official appointed to lead the mission’s operations on the ground.The deployment is the initial step of a force slated to expand to 5,500 personnel with a 12‑month mandate. The GSF was authorized by the UN Security Council last September as a replacement for the earlier Kenyan‑led multinational security mission, which has struggled with funding shortfalls, insufficient manpower and limited institutional backing.Unlike its predecessor, which was limited to supporting Haitian police, the new force will have the authority to make arrests and conduct direct operations against groups designated as gangs. The concept was first put forward by the United States and Panama to “neutralise, isolate and deter” criminal networks.During the Security Council vote, twelve members voted in favour of the force, while China, Russia and Pakistan abstained. Russia’s representative, Vassily Nebenzia, criticised the plan as “rushed” and warned that its broad language could enable abuses, noting that the mandate permits the use of force against anyone labelled a gang.Haiti’s recent history of foreign intervention adds a layer of sensitivity to the deployment. Past UN peacekeeping missions have been linked to a cholera outbreak that claimed roughly 10,000 lives after the 2010 earthquake, and UN personnel have faced accusations of sexual assault in earlier decades.Gang control has tightened dramatically since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse. Analysts estimate that up to 90 % of Port‑au‑Prince is now under gang influence, with around 26 criminal groups operating in the capital. The UN estimates that at least 16,000 people have been killed since 2022 and that more than 1.5 million have been displaced, many facing food insecurity. A recent human‑rights report recorded 5,519 gang‑related deaths and 2,608 injuries between March 2025 and mid‑January 2026, alongside reports of extrajudicial killings and sexual violence.The arrival of the GSF coincides with Haiti’s tentative steps toward a national election scheduled for August, where roughly 300 political parties and groups have registered. Acting Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils‑Aime has recently met with UN officials to discuss the new force’s role in stabilising the country ahead of the vote.

For the first time, the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust (JRCT) is creating a dedicated reparations role, appointing Prof. Keon West—a Rhodes Scholar and author of The Science of Racism—to lead the effort. West, who also serves as a visiting professor at the London School of Economics and heads research at the Runnymede Trust, will begin his tenure later this month. The appointment arrives amid intensifying global calls for former colonial powers to confront historic injustices. West’s mandate is to map how enslavement, indentured labour and European imperialism fed the supply chains of Rowntree’s iconic brands such as KitKat, Fruit Pastilles and Smarties. Founded in 1904 when philanthropist Joseph Rowntree endowed the trust with profits from his chocolate and cocoa ventures, JRCT operates on Quaker principles aimed at tackling the roots of inequality. Recent research, spurred by the Black Lives Matter movement, uncovered that African and Asian workers were exploited in Rowntree’s production lines throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. Historical investigations by the Rowntree Society revealed that, while the family never directly owned enslaved people, their businesses sold commodities produced by enslaved or unfree labour as far back as 1822. The company also benefitted from the indenture system, acquiring plantations in Dominica, Jamaica and Trinidad in the 1890s to grow cocoa, bananas and other crops. Further links to colonial exploitation include purchases of cocoa from Portuguese‑controlled São Tomé and Príncipe, as well as commercial interests in Nigeria, Ghana and apartheid‑era South Africa. In the early 1980s, Black workers at the South African subsidiary Wilson Rowntree faced harsh labour suppression. In 2021, JRCT issued a public apology, stating it was “deeply sorry” for its historical connections to “abhorrent practices” and acknowledging the lasting impact of these actions on systemic racism today. West will design a comprehensive reparations programme that engages directly with affected communities—“Black people, brown people and people of colour”—to develop long‑term restorative justice strategies. He said, "I am honoured to accept this role. It offers the power and the responsibility to make real, meaningful changes in the lives of those who have been exploited." JRCT chief executive Nicola Purdy expressed enthusiasm, noting that the reparations initiative aligns with the trust’s charitable purpose of promoting peace, equality, human rights and climate action. Financially, JRCT allocated £13.5 million in grants in 2025, supporting organisations that advance its core missions. In 2023, it contributed £10,000 to an all‑party parliamentary group advocating for a formal UK apology for slavery and colonisation. The Rowntree family, alongside fellow Quaker dynasties Fry and Cadbury, were central to the British confectionery trade during the colonial era. Their brand was later acquired by Nestlé in 1988, but the trust’s new reparations focus underscores a broader reckoning with the historical foundations of the industry.