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Negotiations between Washington and Tehran are expected to resume in Islamabad within days, placing President Donald Trump under intense pressure to deliver an Iran accord that can be credibly billed as superior to the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) brokered by former President Barack Obama. Two tests dominate the diplomatic calculus: the deal must demonstrably exceed the Obama agreement, and it must ensure that Iran derives no lasting strategic advantage, particularly over the vital Strait of Hormuz. While direct comparisons with the 159‑page JCPOA are imperfect—given the evolution of Iran’s nuclear program and the emergence of non‑nuclear concerns—the Trump team is framing its objectives around four pivotal issues. 1. Enrichment suspension: In Geneva on 26 February, the U.S. demanded a 10‑year freeze on all domestic uranium enrichment, a figure Iran’s foreign minister deemed unrealistic beyond three years. In Islamabad, the U.S. escalated the ask to a 20‑year suspension, yet Trump publicly dismissed even that, insisting on a permanent ban. The practical timeline for Iran to restart enrichment after the damage to its facilities remains uncertain. 2. Highly enriched uranium (HEU) stockpile: The original JCPOA capped uranium enrichment at 3.65% and limited the stockpile to 300 kg. Iran now holds 440.9 kg of 60%‑enriched uranium—a material that can be rapidly converted to weapons‑grade (90%)—mostly stored as UF₆ gas in scuba‑tank‑sized canisters. Tehran offered to down‑blend this stockpile to 3.67% in an irreversible process, mirroring the 2015 deal’s provisions. The U.S., however, is pressing for the entire stockpile to be removed from Iran under American supervision, a stance that raises questions about the relative merits of in‑country down‑blending versus export. 3. Sanctions relief: The JCPOA promised the release of roughly $100 billion in frozen Iranian assets and the lifting of oil trade restrictions, while retaining sanctions on terrorism, human rights, and missile proliferation. In the Geneva framework, over 80% of sanctions would be lifted, leaving only human‑rights‑related measures. Trump’s administration, wary of political backlash, seeks to attach conditions on how Iran can spend the relief, a demand Tehran rejects, insisting on a permanent, irreversible lifting of sanctions. 4. Non‑nuclear issues: Trump has repeatedly criticized the JCPOA for isolating Iran’s nuclear program from its broader regional behavior. The current negotiations must grapple with Iran’s ballistic‑missile program, support for proxy forces, and the strategic future of the Strait of Hormuz. Iranian officials are divided: one camp favors leveraging the strait for immediate revenue and national pride, while another views it as a diplomatic lever to secure a lasting ceasefire and security guarantees. The confluence of these challenges creates a “marshmallow test” for both sides—whether they can forgo short‑term temptations in favor of a durable, long‑term settlement. As the Trump presidency approaches its final year, the ability to craft a deal that convincingly outperforms the Obama era while addressing the expanded nuclear and geopolitical landscape will determine the legacy of U.S. policy on Iran and its impact on regional stability.

The United States has implemented a naval blockade on Iran, aiming to pressure Tehran into accepting its terms for an end to their war. The blockade, which took effect at 14:00 GMT on Monday, has been met with resistance from Iran's armed forces, who have labeled it 'an illegal act' that 'amounts to piracy.'The blockade's impact on Iran's economy is expected to be significant, particularly on its oil exports. Iran primarily exports oil and gas through its ports, with the Strait of Hormuz being the only waterway out of the Gulf. The strait is crucial for global trade, with 20 percent of the world's oil and gas supplies passing through it in peacetime.Despite the war, Iran's oil exports through the Strait of Hormuz had increased in March and early April, with the country exporting 1.84 million barrels per day (bpd) of crude oil in March and 1.71 million bpd so far in April. However, with the US blockade in place, Tehran's capacity to export crude oil has been directly hit.Iran's oil revenue has been substantial, with the country earning $4.97bn over the past month from oil exports, a 40 percent increase from before the war. However, analysts warn that the blockade will hurt Iran's economy, with Mohamad Elmasry stating that 'Iran would not be able to export oil, at least not at the same level.'The blockade will not only impact oil exports but also trade of other goods. Iran's non-oil trade reached $94bn from March 21, 2025, to January 20, with imports outpacing exports. The current blockade will hurt Iran's overall trade and economy, analysts say.Iran and China have developed a railway line to reduce dependency on straits like the Strait of Hormuz. The China-Iran railway 'helps mitigate the risks of naval interdiction by Western forces that hamper Iranian trade, particularly the transport of crude oil by Tehran's so-called 'ghost ships'.'The situation is volatile, with Frederic Schneider stating that 'it's very difficult to say how serious the US is about this blockade, how long it will last, how it will end and what is coming next.' The involvement of China, a major buyer of Iranian oil, adds an X factor to the situation.

The ongoing conflict between the US and Iran has led to a sharp increase in crude prices, driving up fuel costs and placing strain on households worldwide. In the six weeks since the US and Israel launched strikes on Iran, oil prices have risen sharply, with the main international benchmark surging more than 8 percent to top $103 a barrel.However, the price of oil is more complicated than any one figure and depends on where you look. The oil trade can be broadly divided into two distinct markets: physical sales and contracts for future oil deliveries, known as futures.Since the start of the war and Iran's effective blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, prices in these markets have diverged substantially – reflecting what analysts say is a growing mismatch between perceptions of supply and the reality on the ground. Dated Brent hit an all-time high of more than $144 a barrel – about $35 above the price of Brent futures.The principal benchmark for spot prices is Dated Brent, a basket of four grades of oil produced in the North Sea and one produced in the US. It reflects the per-barrel price of oil scheduled for shipment in the next 10 to 30 days. On the other hand, Brent futures are financial derivatives that reflect the price of oil due to be loaded months or even years from now.The futures price is the price most commonly found in news reports and search engine results. However, the gap between spot and futures prices has widened well beyond what is typical since the conflict began, indicating that oil supplies are becoming increasingly scarce on the ground.Analysts say traders have been betting on a resolution to the crisis down the track, with the return of price stability depending on Iran easing its control over the strait and shipping companies gaining confidence that it is safe to transit. The global economy is still facing a daily shortfall of about 8 million barrels of oil, according to a recent estimate by market intelligence provider Kpler.

Experts and policymakers are urging the creation of a regional agreement aimed at securing the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow waterway that serves as a critical conduit for a significant share of the world’s oil trade. The push for a coordinated diplomatic framework reflects growing concerns over potential disruptions that could arise from geopolitical tensions in the Gulf region. By fostering cooperation among neighboring states, the proposed pact seeks to mitigate risks to maritime traffic and protect the flow of energy supplies. Stability in the Strait of Hormuz is essential for global markets, as any interruption could trigger sharp spikes in oil prices and ripple through the world economy. A regional agreement would therefore not only enhance security for the nations bordering the strait but also contribute to broader economic resilience. While details of the proposed arrangement remain under discussion, the consensus underscores the need for a unified approach that balances national interests with the collective goal of maintaining uninterrupted maritime commerce.

The Gulf Cooperation Council is reassessing its security model after the brief but intense US‑Israel campaign against Iran. With American bases on Gulf soil turning the region into a target for Tehran’s missile and drone barrage, Gulf capitals are looking to diversify their defence partners beyond the United States. Iran’s lingering missile arsenal and its demand to retain control of the Strait of Hormuz remain the central security dilemma. The strait channels the bulk of Gulf oil trade, and Tehran’s insistence on keeping a foothold there was a sticking point in the cease‑fire talks scheduled to begin in Islamabad. Gulf air defences boasted a high interception rate, claiming to have neutralised more than 90% of the 2,256 drones and 563 missiles that struck the United Arab Emirates, the hardest‑hit member of the bloc. Nevertheless, the Gulf is split on how to engage Iran moving forward. A hawkish bloc led by the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain favours a tougher stance, while Saudi Arabia, Qatar and others are open to restoring diplomatic ties. In a rare development, Saudi Arabia and Iran held their first official conversation since the conflict began, with foreign ministers discussing measures to lower tensions and restore regional stability. Security scholars such as Bader Mousa Al‑Saif of Kuwait University argue that Gulf states must broaden their security network, forging alliances with regional powers like Turkey and Pakistan rather than relying solely on the United States. He warned that the region needs a model that shields it from a perpetual state of war. Pre‑war trends are now accelerating: Saudi Arabia recently signed a defence pact with Pakistan, the UAE announced a partnership with India, and all three Gulf states – Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar – entered rapid defence agreements with Ukraine to counter Iranian drone threats. Talks of a “Muslim NATO” have largely faded, but a new alignment dubbed “Step”, involving Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt and Pakistan, is taking shape. The coalition’s purpose remains ambiguous, oscillating between counter‑Iran and counter‑Israel objectives, and internal rivalries complicate cohesion. The United Kingdom, which helped protect Gulf airspace during the hostilities, is also seeking deeper defence‑industrial cooperation with Saudi Arabia, as discussed by Prime Minister Keir Starmer in Jeddah. UAE political scientist Abdulkhaleq Abdulla predicts tighter security ties with the United States and a growing willingness among Gulf states to engage with Israel on military and intelligence fronts. Analysts such as Yasmine Farouk of the International Crisis Group note that Saudi Arabia’s extensive oil infrastructure, Red Sea ports and sheer geographic size give it a strategic advantage in post‑war reconstruction, though the cost of rebuilding could strain its Vision 2030 diversification agenda. Looking ahead, the Gulf is expected to layer additional security partnerships—particularly with European nations—while investing heavily in air and missile defence, hardened ports, desalination facilities, maritime surveillance and alternative export routes. As Andreas Krieg of King’s College London observes, the United States remains the only power with a full‑scale military architecture in the Gulf, but its bases are increasingly viewed as “tripwires” rather than protective shields.

Iran has issued a threat to close the Bab al-Mandeb shipping route, a vital waterway connecting the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden, in response to escalating tensions with the US. Ali Akbar Velayati, a top adviser to Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, warned that Iranian allies could shut the route, similar to Iran's effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz.The Bab al-Mandeb is a crucial passage for global oil trade, with 4.1 billion barrels of crude oil and refined petroleum products passing through it in 2024, accounting for 5% of the global total. A closure of both the Bab al-Mandeb and the Strait of Hormuz would block 25% of the world's oil and gas supply.The strait is effectively controlled by the Iran-backed Houthis, who have already demonstrated their ability to disrupt shipping in the region. During Israel's conflict in Gaza, the Houthis blocked the Bab al-Mandeb for ships associated with Israel or the US.A closure of the Bab al-Mandeb would have significant implications for global trade, particularly for Saudi Arabia's oil exports to Asia and global container shipping from China, India, and other Asian countries to Europe. It could also exacerbate the ongoing global energy supply crisis.Experts warn that a blockade of the Bab al-Mandeb would create a 'nightmare scenario,' disrupting trade toward Europe and potentially leading to a broader conflict in the region.

The global oil trade is facing a chokepoint crisis, with Libya's oil disputes mirroring the situation in the Hormuz Strait. The Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway for oil transportation, was briefly closed after US and Israeli strikes on Iran in late February, causing Brent crude oil prices to soar to nearly $120 a barrel.Libya, with its strategically located oil terminals on the northeastern coast, has become a crucial player in the global oil trade. The country's light, sweet grades of oil are particularly valuable to European refiners. However, Libya's political instability and factional oil deals are threatening to disrupt oil supplies, with Europe's energy security hanging in the balance.The Libyan National Army (LNA), led by Khalifa Haftar, controls the territory where Libya's oil is located, while the Government of National Unity (GNU) in Tripoli signs oil contracts. This has led to a situation where Tripoli may sign oil contracts, but Haftar decides whether oil actually flows. The Arkenu agreement, a private oil company linked to the Haftar family, was recently terminated due to corruption allegations, leaving the future of Libya's oil supplies uncertain.The US is attempting to broker new talks between Tripoli and Haftar's camp, but a deal is not yet certain. Meanwhile, European energy security is at risk, with the Mediterranean Sea becoming a battleground for proxy wars between Russia and Ukraine. The sabotage of oil infrastructure and attacks on tankers are exacerbating the situation, highlighting the need for a stable and secure oil supply to Europe.

The recent arrival of US ground invasion forces in the Middle East has raised concerns about a potential military confrontation with Iran. With 5,000 marines and 2,000 paratroopers deployed, the US may attempt to forcibly open the Strait of Hormuz, a vital waterway through which a fifth of the world's oil trade passes.Iran's control over the strait gives it significant leverage, and any US action could lead to severe escalation. The US president, Donald Trump, has stated he is prepared to give diplomacy a chance, but he also expressed a desire to 'take the oil in Iran'. The situation is precarious, with experts warning of a high risk of casualties and escalation.There are two possible military options for the US to open the strait: seizing territory or deploying a massive naval presence. However, both options carry significant risks. Iran has threatened to carpet bomb its own territory to kill any American soldiers on its soil, and the US would need a substantial force to hold any territory.The deployment may be a show of force to strengthen the American negotiating position, but it could also lead to a more significant conflict. The challenge could be multiplied if Iran-allied Houthi forces in Yemen enter the conflict, potentially attacking vessels passing through the southern end of the Red Sea.

The ongoing United States-Israeli conflict with Iran has triggered severe disruptions to global LNG supplies in the Gulf, creating the most significant energy market disruptions in recent years. The critical Strait of Hormuz, through which 27 percent of the world's maritime oil trade and 20 percent of LNG shipments pass, has been brought to a near standstill.In response to the conflict, oil-producing nations such as Saudi Arabia have rerouted oil through alternative pipelines, while Qatar has completely halted LNG production at its Ras Laffan and Mesaieed facilities following attacks on its energy infrastructure. This disruption comes as natural gas makes up about a quarter of global energy consumption, raising widespread concerns about the impact on nations heavily reliant on gas imports.Natural gas is formed over millions of years from decomposed organic matter subjected to intense heat and pressure beneath the Earth's surface. LNG represents natural gas that has been cooled to -162 degrees Celsius through cryogenic processing, shrinking it to a 600th of its gaseous volume. In its liquid state, LNG is colorless, odorless, and non-flammable, making it safe and efficient to transport across vast distances.Before liquefaction, the gas undergoes purification through water-based solvents and molecular sieve beds to remove impurities including carbon dioxide, hydrogen sulfide, water, and mercury. Heavier hydrocarbons are then separated from methane and ethane through fractionation. The resulting fuel is typically composed of 85 to 95 percent methane, with small amounts of ethane, propane, butane, and nitrogen.LNG is stored in large insulated tanks without requiring high-pressure infrastructure, then pumped onto double-hulled carriers for shipment to terminals worldwide. At destination facilities, LNG is heated using seawater or warm water baths until it vaporizes—a process known as regasification—before being distributed through pipelines for consumption.Once returned to a gaseous state, LNG serves multiple purposes globally. Residential applications include cooking, heating, and electricity generation, while supporting hot water systems in homes and heating for commercial buildings. In power generation, LNG offers a comparatively low-carbon alternative to coal and oil. Industrial applications span fertilizers, plastics, paints, and medicines, with LNG also used to fuel heavy-duty vehicles and ships.The disruption has particularly affected agricultural production, as Gulf nations export close to half the world's traded urea—a key fertilizer component. Natural gas serves as both the primary feedstock and fuel for fertilizer manufacturing, with the halt in production forcing producers across the region to suspend or reduce operations.While primarily valued as an energy source, LNG processing yields significant by-products with industrial and medical applications. The most notable is helium, extracted during cryogenic processing. With global helium production estimated at 180 million cubic meters annually, the disruption to Qatar's LNG facilities has removed approximately 5.2 million cubic meters from the market each month—accounting for about a third of global monthly production.Helium is critical for cooling superconducting magnets in MRI and CT scanners, with the average MRI machine requiring about 1,700 liters of liquid helium. The element is also vital to the data center industry, where it conducts heat away from silicon components, preventing damage to semiconductors. Additionally, the natural gas value chain generates petrochemical derivatives that serve as feedstock for manufactured goods, including medical-grade plastics.According to the International Gas Union's 2025 World LNG Report, 411.24 million tonnes of LNG were traded in 2024. The United States emerged as the largest exporter with 88.4 million tonnes, followed by Australia (81 million tonnes), Qatar (77.2 million tonnes), Russia (33.5 million tonnes), and Malaysia (27.7 million tonnes). Together, these top five suppliers account for more than three-quarters of global LNG supply.China was the largest importer with 78.6 million tonnes in 2024, followed by Japan (67.7 million tonnes), South Korea (47.1 million tonnes), India (26.1 million tonnes), and Taiwan (21.8 million tonnes). These top five importers constituted nearly 59 percent of all global LNG imports that year.South Asian nations face particularly severe risks from the current conflict. Pakistan, where natural gas accounts for 28 percent of electricity generation for its 250 million people, and Bangladesh, where gas supplies half of all electricity for its 176 million population, are heavily dependent on Gulf imports. Qatar and the United Arab Emirates supply approximately 99 percent of Pakistan's LNG imports and 72 percent of Bangladesh's.In response to the energy crisis, Pakistan has implemented emergency measures including a four-day workweek for government employees and extended school holidays. Bangladesh has reduced gas supplies and is seeking nearly $2 billion in international loans to fund energy inputs and maintain price stability. India, which relies on Gulf nations for about half of its LNG and generates 5 percent of its electricity from gas, has shifted toward coal usage as LNG disruptions continue.