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Somalia's military has dealt a significant blow to the terrorist group Al-Shabab, killing 27 fighters in a large-scale operation. The Ministry of Defence reported that the operation, conducted in the autonomous state of Jubbaland, was carried out with the support of international partners who provided air strikes.The operation, which took place across the Lower Jubba and Middle Jubba regions, targeted the districts of Jilib, Xagar, and Afmadow. Somalia's Defence Ministry stated that the operation was a success, dealing a major blow to Al-Shabab and eliminating key members of the armed group.In addition to the casualties, the Somali army seized weapons and military equipment, including BKM machine guns, RPGs, AK-47 rifles, and landmines intended for use against civilians. The Defence Ministry emphasized that operations are ongoing to pursue the remaining Al-Shabaab elements and ensure the security, stability, and safety of civilians living in Somalia.Somalia has been battling Al-Shabab, an al-Qaeda-linked group, since 2007. The group aims to topple Somalia's central government and impose its strict interpretation of Islamic law. Al-Shabab is considered by the United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) to be the largest, wealthiest, and most lethal al-Qaeda-affiliated organisation globally, controlling large swaths of southern and central Somalia.The conflict has had a significant humanitarian impact, with almost 60,000 people displaced due to fighting between government forces and Al-Shabab in Somalia's Middle Shabelle region between January and July 2025. The group has also claimed responsibility for attacks in Kenya, Uganda, and Djibouti.

Pope Leo XIV arrived in Algeria on Monday, inaugurating the first papal visit to the country and the opening leg of an ambitious 11‑day African tour that includes Cameroon, Angola and Equatorial Guinea. The trip, the longest since his election in May 2025, signals a strategic shift toward the continent.The choice of Africa sends a clear message, according to scholars, that the continent is now a top priority for the Church. Professor Adriaan van Klinken of the University of Leeds notes that Africa now accounts for roughly 20% of the world’s Catholics, making it one of the fastest‑growing Catholic regions, while western Europe’s Catholic numbers are in decline.In the past year, 14 new dioceses have been established across Africa, and the Catholic population has risen by 7 million, according to John Pontifex of Aid to the Church in Need UK. He describes the continent as “coming of age” in Catholicism.Upon landing at Algiers International Airport, Pope Leo was greeted by Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune and later visited the Maqam Echahid, a monument honoring those who died in Algeria’s 1954‑62 war for independence.Father Peter Claver Kogh, rector of the Basilica of Our Lady of Africa, framed the visit as a bridge‑building effort between Christians and Muslims, emphasizing a “climate of peace and tolerance.” He added that the world “needs a fraternal living and harmony” now more than ever.For biographer Austen Ivereigh, the trip continues Pope Francis’s legacy of interfaith dialogue, recalling the 2019 “human fraternity” accord signed with Muslim leaders in the UAE. John Pontifex also highlighted the visit’s timing amid a decline in religious freedom for Christians and liberal Muslims in Algeria.Lucy Esipila of Caritas Africa expects the journey to bolster Catholic communities facing conflict, debt and inequality, describing it as a vivid expression of “synodality” – the Church walking together with peripheral voices.Algeria holds special significance for Pope Leo, the first pontiff from the Augustinian order, as the birthplace of Saint Augustine. Professor Anna Rowlands of Durham University points out that North Africa was a cradle of early Christianity, underscoring the region’s deep theological heritage.The African focus comes as Pope Leo declined an invitation to the United States, opting instead to visit Lampedusa on July 4, a key entry point for migrants crossing the Mediterranean. Historian Dr Miles Pattenden suggests this contrast sends a powerful message to both European leaders and African communities.Father Kogh summed up the atmosphere in Algiers: “It’s a feeling of joy… a message of peace, coexistence and fraternity.”

Djibouti's longtime President Ismail Omar Guelleh has claimed a landslide victory in the country's latest elections, ushering in his sixth consecutive term in the Horn of Africa country.Guelleh secured 97.81 percent of the votes cast on Friday, according to official results published by Djibouti's state-run news agency.His sole opponent, Mohamed Farah Samatar, earned just 2.19 percent of votes. Samatar's Unified Democratic Centre (CDU) opposition party has no seats in parliament, and he struggled to gain recognition ahead of the polls.Guelleh, 78, wrote on X as early results arrived: “Reelected”. Politicians last year removed presidential age limits, allowing him to seek another five years in power.Voter turnout was 80.4 percent on Friday, according to Djibouti media outlets. Roughly a quarter of the population – about 256,000 people – were registered to vote.Guelleh has ruled Djibouti's population of roughly one million since 1999. Neighbouring Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia, the country is strategically located at the Bab al-Mandeb strait, which provides access to the Red Sea from the Gulf of Aden.Even as voters turned in their ballots on Friday, few doubted who would win. Thousands had gathered at Guelleh's campaign rallies ahead of the election, while his posters could be seen plastered across the capital.

Djibouti's voters are heading to the polls to choose their next president, with incumbent leader Ismail Omar Guelleh expected to easily secure a sixth term. Guelleh, 78, has been in power since 1999 and won re-election in 2021 with 98 per cent of the vote.Guelleh's only opponent is Mohamed Farah Samatar, the leader of the Unified Democratic Centre (CDU), a party with no seats in parliament. The election comes after politicians scrapped presidential age limits last year, paving the way for Guelleh to extend his 27-year rule.Human rights groups have accused authorities of abuses and repressing freedom of political activity, while the government has denied the allegations. Two main opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016.The election is being observed by several international organisations, including the African Union (AU), the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and the League of Arab States. Guelleh has governed the small nation in the Horn of Africa since 1999, when he succeeded Hassan Gouled Aptidon, the founding president of the country with about a million people.Djibouti hosts important military bases for the United States, France, China and other powers, earning it a reputation as the country with the most foreign military bases. It is also an important port hub for landlocked neighbours such as Ethiopia.

Netflix's vast library of content often includes films that were initially intended for theatrical release but end up being off-loaded to the streaming platform. The latest example is 'Thrash', a shark thriller that was previously known as 'Beneath the Storm' and 'Shiver'. Despite its promising premise, the film fails to deliver, with critics calling it a messily made, choppily edited and entirely misfiring cavalcade of bad decisions and dodgy accents.The film, directed by Norwegian director Tommy Wirkola, tells the story of a hurricane that destroys a town while also thrusting a pack of bull sharks into the streets and homes of those unlucky enough to still be there. However, the film's distracting sense of inauthenticity and lack of suspense make it a disappointing watch. The cast, including Bridgerton's Phoebe Dynevor and Djimon Hounsou, struggle to elevate the poorly written characters and lackluster dialogue.'Thrash' is now available on Netflix, but it's unlikely to be a hit with viewers. The film's cheap production values and lack of originality make it feel like a low-budget B-movie, rather than a film that was once intended for theatrical release. With Netflix spending around $18bn on content last year, it's surprising that they would accept a film of such poor quality.

Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

Djibouti, a country with a population of less than a million people and no significant natural resources, has become a crucial hub for foreign military bases. The nation's strategic location at the entrance to the Red Sea, a vital maritime chokepoint through which roughly 12 percent of global maritime trade passes daily, has made it an attractive location for global powers.The country's President, Ismail Omar Guelleh, has leveraged Djibouti's strategic importance to advance his own aims, welcoming bases from the US, China, France, Japan, and Italy. These countries pay significant fees for the privilege of hosting their bases, with the US paying $65 million annually, France $30 million, China $20 million, and Italy and Japan over $3 million each.The Bab-el-Mandeb strait, a narrow corridor barely 30 kilometers wide, is a critical passage for global trade and communication cables. The region's instability, particularly with the US and Israel at war with Iran, has heightened Djibouti's importance. Federico Donelli, author of 'Power Competition in the Red Sea,' notes that Djibouti sits at the center of many global interests, including trade, shipping, and fiber optic connectivity.Djibouti's base-for-cash model is part of a broader development strategy, including significant infrastructure investment from Chinese firms and a new railway linking landlocked Ethiopia to the coast. However, the country's economic benefits have not trickled down to its citizens, with official unemployment near 40 percent and over one in five people living in extreme poverty.The opposition leader, Daher Ahmed Farah, has criticized Guelleh's rule, stating that the country's strategic position and hosting of military bases have not benefited the Djiboutian people. The US embassy has warned Americans to avoid areas near Camp Lemonnier, citing threats against US interests, while Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh has expressed concerns about the Iran war risks pushing Djibouti into deeper economic uncertainty.

The Al Jazeera report titled Djibouti and the Horn of Africa: new front in the war on Iran was released on 7 April 2026. No additional article text was provided.

Parts of Asia are already feeling the strain of the Iran war, with fuel supplies tightening and prices rising. Some countries are warning that their stocks may run out, revealing just how fragile the global energy system is.The impact of the war is being felt far from the battlefield, with the threat to oil flows causing immediate concern. This has raised questions about the resilience of the global energy system and its ability to withstand geopolitical tensions.Vina Nadjibulla, vice-president of Research and Strategy at the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada, provides insight into the situation.