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During Donald Trump’s January 2025 inauguration, Giorgia Meloni was the only European leader invited, underscoring a brief period of close personal and diplomatic ties between Italy’s right‑wing government and the new U.S. administration. A month earlier she had been photographed sharing a private conversation with Trump at the Élysée Palace while President Emmanuel Macron celebrated the reopening of Notre‑Dame. From the outset of Trump’s second term, the Italian premier was hailed by the U.S. president as a “real live wire” and the European ally who could help “straighten out the world.” Meloni embraced the role, describing Trump as a “brilliant man” and promising to "make the West great again" together. That camaraderie has now eroded. In the wake of the US‑Israeli military action against Iran, Meloni told reporters during a Gulf‑region visit that "when we don’t agree, we must say it", explicitly rejecting the war. Her stance was reinforced a week earlier when Italy denied U.S. bombers permission to refuel at a southern base. Political analysts note that Meloni’s shift marks a decisive break from Trump’s agenda. Roberto D’Alimonte, a political‑science professor at Luiss University, warned that her earlier attempt to act as a bridge between Trump and European allies has become a “liability” she now seeks to repair. Public opinion reflects the change. Recent polls show a solid majority of Italians oppose the Iran war, and support for Trump in Italy has plunged from 35 % to just 19 %. The backlash also manifested in a recent referendum on judicial reform, where 61 % of voters aged 18‑34 rejected Meloni’s proposal—a defeat analysts link more to dissatisfaction with her foreign‑policy alignment than to the reform itself. Beyond politics, the conflict threatens Italy’s economy. As the EU’s second‑largest natural‑gas consumer—accounting for roughly 40 % of its energy mix—Italy is feeling the impact of soaring energy prices caused by the near‑total shutdown of traffic through the Strait of Hormuz. The Bank of Italy now projects only a 0.5 % growth rate for 2026‑27, down from earlier forecasts, while the national statistics office reported that Italy’s fiscal deficit has breached the EU’s 3 % ceiling, limiting fiscal flexibility ahead of next year’s elections. Despite these pressures, Meloni has not completely abandoned the United States. In March she declined Trump’s request to dispatch Italian warships to the Strait of Hormuz, aligning with other European nations, yet she stopped short of condemning the US‑led operation outright. Experts argue that Meloni’s approach is deliberately cautious. “She is pragmatic and politically skilled,” D’Alimonte said. “She will continue to balance criticism of Trump’s aggressive foreign policy with the need to preserve strategic ties, moving step‑by‑step toward a stronger European alignment without burning bridges.”

The temporary cease‑fire in the US‑Israel‑Iran war has given Iran and China a strategic opening to challenge the US dollar’s supremacy in global finance. Both nations share a common objective: to reduce reliance on the greenback, especially in the oil sector where, according to a 2023 JP Morgan estimate, roughly 80% of transactions are settled in dollars. In a practical step toward this goal, Iran’s de‑facto toll‑booth system in the Strait of Hormuz—a chokepoint that handles about one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments—has started accepting transit fees in Chinese yuan. Lloyd’s List reported that at least two vessels had already paid in yuan by March 25, and China’s Ministry of Commerce later acknowledged the reports on social media. Iran’s embassy in Zimbabwe even called for the introduction of a “petroyuan” to the global oil market, underscoring the political symbolism of the move. While Tehran pledged to guarantee safe passage for two weeks under a US‑brokered cease‑fire, Beijing declined to comment. Harvard economist Kenneth Rogoff told Al Jazeera that Iran’s actions serve a dual purpose: they “poke a thumb in the United States’s eye” and provide a practical alternative to dollar‑based sanctions. Rogoff added that Iran’s shift to yuan aligns with China’s broader effort to redenominate trade among BRICS nations. For both countries, the yuan offers a way to sidestep US sanctions and lower transaction costs. Their trade relationship, cemented by a 25‑year strategic partnership signed in 2021, sees China buying over 80% of Iran’s oil—often at discounted rates—while Iran imports Chinese machinery, electronics, chemicals, and industrial components. Data from Kpler and TankerTrackers indicate that, despite the conflict, Iran’s oil exports to China have remained near pre‑war levels, ranging between 12 million and 13.7 million barrels in the first two weeks of hostilities. China’s ambition to elevate the yuan is long‑standing. President Xi Jinping, in a 2024 address, expressed hope that the yuan would become a global reserve currency. Yet significant hurdles remain: the yuan is not freely convertible due to strict capital controls, and the Chinese financial system is perceived as opaque, limiting broader adoption. According to the IMF, the dollar still dominated global foreign‑exchange reserves at 57% last year, far ahead of the euro’s 20% and the yuan’s modest 2%. Cross‑border trade settled in yuan rose to 3.7% in 2024, up from under 1% in 2012, per S&P; Global—an encouraging but limited shift. Natixis chief economist Alicia Garcia‑Herrero cautioned that the Strait of Hormuz experiment adds only “incremental pressure” and that a true “de‑dollarisation” would require Gulf states, which have priced oil in dollars since the 1970s in exchange for US security guarantees. European analyst Hosuk Lee‑Makiyama highlighted that China’s ability to supply Iran with essential goods makes the yuan a viable alternative, a dynamic not possible for Europe or Japan. He described China as the closest the world has seen to a “manufacturing one‑stop shop.” Consultancy founder Dan Steinbock echoed that while the dollar’s supremacy is unlikely to crumble overnight, the gradual increase in yuan usage could “chip away” at US dominance in specific sectors over time. Rogoff concluded that the long‑term impact hinges on the war’s outcome. If Iran and China emerge stronger, many countries may diversify away from the dollar to avoid US‑imposed financial constraints. Conversely, a decisive US victory could reinforce dollar hegemony for the foreseeable future.

Washington, D.C. – President Donald Trump declared a two‑week ceasefire with Iran on Tuesday, just hours after threatening a massive attack on the country. The pause will allow Iran to reopen the strategic Strait of Hormuz while both sides negotiate a longer‑term settlement. Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, a noted Iran hawk, welcomed the diplomatic move but stressed extreme caution. He praised the “hard work” of negotiators but warned that any agreement must be scrutinized, noting that Iran’s 10‑point plan reportedly offers sanctions relief and permits Tehran to retain control of the strait. Graham also warned that Iran must not be rewarded for its earlier attacks on the strait, writing on X: “We must remember that the Strait of Hormuz was attacked by Iran after the start of the war, destroying freedom of navigation. Going forward, it is imperative Iran is not rewarded for this hostile act against the world.” Democratic senators, while relieved that U.S. forces would be out of immediate danger, seized the moment to demand accountability. Senator Ruben Gallego said, “Stopping war is good… we can criticize why we got into this war, the illegality of it and hold the Trump admin accountable. But right now I am relieved.” Other Democrats, including Senator Ed Markey and Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio‑Cortez, warned that the ceasefire does not erase the fact that the conflict was launched without congressional authorization and that targeting civilian infrastructure may constitute war crimes. Ocasio‑Cortez wrote, “The President has threatened a genocide against the Iranian people… launched a massive war… without reason, rationale, nor Congressional authorization – which is as clear a violation of the Constitution as any.” Critics on the right, such as far‑right activist Laura Loomer and commentator Mark Levin, dismissed the truce as a temporary pause, predicting the war will resume. Loomer warned, “The negotiation is a negative for our country… I don’t know why people are acting like this is a win.” Levin added, “This enemy is still the enemy; they’re still surviving.” The conflict, which began on February 28 without a congressional war declaration, has already seen high‑profile strikes, including an attack that the article claims killed Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and a devastating strike on a girls’ school in Minab that killed over 170 civilians, mostly children. Economically, the closure of the Strait of Hormuz earlier in the war sent oil and gas prices soaring, underscoring the strategic importance of the waterway. Senator Chris Murphy (D) warned that allowing Iran to control the strait would be a “history‑changing win” for Tehran. Across the aisle, lawmakers agree that the ceasefire is not a clean slate. Advocacy director Raed Jarrar of DAWN urged an immediate congressional investigation into the war’s origins, funding, and accountability for civilian casualties. As the two‑week pause unfolds, U.S. officials and legislators will closely monitor negotiations, with the broader debate over war powers, constitutional authority, and potential impeachment of President Trump remaining front and center in Washington.

The mockumentary, a once-thriving film genre, seems to be losing its luster. Charli XCX's 'The Moment' and 'Spinal Tap II: The End Continues' are recent examples of films that have failed to recapture the magic of their predecessors.Historically, mockumentaries were a staple of comedy, with directors like Christopher Guest and Rob Reiner pushing the boundaries of the genre. Films like 'This Is Spinal Tap' and 'The Rutles: All You Need Is Cash' remain classics, celebrated for their improvisational style and satirical humor.However, the current crop of mockumentaries seems stale, relying on celebrity cameos rather than genuine comedic innovation. Even 'Spinal Tap II,' starring Guest, feels like a nostalgia exercise, struggling to recreate the original's charm.In contrast, smaller, independent projects like 'Rap World' and 'Nirvanna the Band the Show the Movie' are breathing new life into the genre. These films, made on shoestring budgets, use mockumentary techniques to create authentic, humorous stories that resonate with audiences.The decline of the mockumentary genre raises questions about its future. Can it be revitalized, or has it become a relic of the past? Only time will tell, but for now, it seems that the mockumentary needs a fresh perspective to regain its former glory.

The Guardian is calling on readers to share their personal stories of how they have been impacted by the ongoing conflict in the Middle East. With Iran and the US agreeing to a two-week conditional ceasefire, the situation remains volatile and uncertain.Whether you are living, working, or traveling in the region, or have been impacted in other ways, the Guardian wants to hear from you. Your experiences can help provide a deeper understanding of the human impact of the conflict.Please note that your security is the top priority. The Guardian recognizes it may not always be safe or appropriate to record or share your experiences, so please consider this when deciding whether to get in touch.To share your story, you can:Fill out the online form provided, which is encrypted and confidential.Message the Guardian on WhatsApp or Signal at +447766780300.The Guardian assures readers that all responses will be kept secure and anonymous if desired. The information collected will only be used for the purpose of this feature and will be deleted when no longer required.Key form fields include:NameLocationBackground information (optional)Country locatedPersonal experience with the conflictPhoto upload (optional)Publication consentContact details (optional)For more information, readers can visit the Guardian's tips guide or privacy policy.

In a revealing glimpse of the club’s ironclad exclusivity, a 2019 iMessage exchange shows Jeffrey Epstein pleading with Steve Bannon to secure a membership for Paul, Weiss partner Brad Karp. Bannon dismissed the request, describing Augusta’s governing families as "crackers" from the Old South who distrust lawyers and bankers, underscoring the club’s cultural gatekeeping. That anecdote illustrates a broader truth: money alone cannot buy entry to the Masters. Even former President Donald Trump has never been able to force his way onto the Augusta grounds, a rarity among high‑profile U.S. sporting events. Traditionally, most tickets are allocated to lifelong local patrons, a practice that has been frozen since the 1970s. The only official avenue for the public is an annual lottery, where the odds are so slim they make Tiger Woods’ chances of a sixth Green Jacket look generous. In practice, however, a lucrative secondary market emerged, with scalpers selling tickets for up to 50 times face value and operating just outside the 2,700‑foot anti‑scalping boundary mandated by Georgia law. Last year’s Masters turned into a "bloodbath" for the resale industry. An executive from a local hospitality firm reported that around 200 ticket holders were denied entry after the club began rigorously enforcing its anti‑scalping policy. Patrons were sometimes escorted to a room, asked for identification, and interrogated about how they obtained their tickets – a process likened to a police stop. According to insiders, the club’s four‑day tickets now contain RFID chips that allow staff to track each badge’s location nightly. The embedded barcodes allegedly store the buyer’s address, enabling staff to pinpoint resale activity. Some reports claim the club is even purchasing resale tickets en masse to uncover the identities of sellers, then sending a politely worded letter that permanently bans the recipient from the grounds. Ticket platforms have felt the impact. StubHub has introduced a new contract that makes sellers fully liable for any fees or charges if a buyer is turned away, while SeatGeek has ceased offering Masters tickets altogether. This decisive move by Augusta National signals a broader shift in how elite sports events manage secondary markets. Ultimately, the crackdown serves a dual purpose: protecting the club’s brand integrity and reinforcing its reputation as an institution that remains untouched by even the most powerful political figures. As the Masters approaches, the message is clear – the only way onto Augusta’s hallowed fairways is through its own tightly‑controlled channels, not through the influence of money, politics, or the resale trade.

Stephen Fry opened his appearance on ITV’s The Assembly with a startling question: “You tried to kill yourself a couple of times. Are you happy to be alive now?” The boldness set the tone for a conversation that veered far from the usual celebrity‑friendly script.The programme distinguishes itself by placing a well‑known guest in front of a panel of young adults with neurodivergence or learning disabilities. Free from the conventional safeguards of mainstream talk shows, the panel asks questions that are simultaneously unconventional and deeply human, prompting guests to respond without the usual rehearsed veneer.For Fry, the format proved liberating. Known for translating complex ideas into accessible language, he used the platform to discuss suicidal ideation, likening the experience to the lingering memory of a broken limb—painful yet now distant. This candidness allowed him to reaffirm why he remains a cultural touchstone.One of the most memorable moments came when a participant asked, “I read that you are bipolar. One of my family has that. How can I help them?” Fry responded with a vivid analogy, describing bipolar disorder as a “rainstorm raging inside you—eventually the sun returns, and it’s the weather, not the person, that changes.” This explanation resonated as both compassionate and educational.The interview oscillated between gravitas and levity. Fry fielded whimsical queries such as “Can you help me meet Céline Dion?” and “How much have you spent on cocaine?” alongside the probing “Are you a top or a bottom?” The juxtaposition amplified the emotional weight of the serious topics.At one point, a young panelist named Luca chose not to ask a question, instead performing William Wordsworth’s poem “The World Is Too Much With Us” with theatrical flair—a rare blend of poetry and performance that underscored the show’s experimental spirit.Another highlight involved Jacob, a panel member who brandished a list of Fry’s past advertising gigs—Heineken, Twinings, Honda, and more—before delivering the punchline, “Is there anything you wouldn’t do for money?” The extended joke built a collective laugh that softened the subsequent, more probing inquiries.Critics have likened the show’s tone to a hybrid of Radio 4’s In the Psychiatrist’s Chair and the cheeky, irreverent style of classic British comedy interviews such as those with Dame Edna Everage or Mrs Merton, creating a unique space where vulnerability and humor coexist.The episode concluded with Nina Simone’s “I Wish I Knew How It Would Feel to Be Free” playing as Fry reflected on his experiences with antisemitism and bipolar disorder. Moved by the music, he rose and danced, offering a visual testament to the therapeutic power of the format.The Assembly aired on ITV1 and is now available for streaming on ITVX.

In the spring of 2002, the modest Free Butt pub on Brighton’s seafront buzzed with a restless energy. Future stars such as Natasha Khan, then a university art student, danced atop the bar while the Yeah Yeah Yeahs thundered through their first UK dates. Behind the scenes, band frontmen like Guy McKnight of Eighties Matchbox B‑Line Disaster served pints, and budding engineers like Steve Ansell of Cat on Form fine‑tuned the sound. The atmosphere felt like a rite of passage, where any performer could slip from a cramped stage to national attention.Unlike the neatly branded scenes of New York’s garage‑rock revival or London’s Libertines‑driven hype, Brighton’s early‑2000s scene resisted a single aesthetic. Rock groups emerged from rehearsal rooms and tiny clubs with wildly different looks and sounds, creating a cultural mosaic rather than a monolithic movement.Electrelane’s guitarist recalls recording their debut Rock It to the Moon in a studio once owned by the Levellers, and crafting their sophomore effort inside a former public toilet. These unconventional spaces proved surprisingly fertile, underscoring the city’s DIY spirit.By the turn of the millennium, the big‑beat dominance of Fatboy Slim and Skint Records had faded, making way for a grassroots rock surge. Sea Power relocated from Reading to Brighton, drawn by the city’s “dilapidated charm and fresh sea air”. Their self‑organized Club Sea Power nights at the Lift offered a chaotic yet liberating platform that eventually caught Rough Trade’s attention.Women played a pivotal role in shaping the scene’s infrastructure. Promoters Lisa Lout and Anna Moulson, both still active, booked seminal shows—including the Strokes’ first UK gig at the Lift in 2001—and helped launch the Great Escape festival. Their efforts ensured that bands such as the Pipettes, Electrelane and Bat for Lashes could share stages and media coverage.Artists recall the city’s palpable sense of belonging. Rose Dougall of the Pipettes describes a landscape where “alternative culture was on every street, from vintage shops to the colour of the houses,” and where “small venues made it feel attainable to launch a project.” Similarly, Brakes frontman Eamon Hamilton contrasts Brighton’s walk‑able, collaborative vibe with London’s darker, more competitive energy.Music journalism mirrored the scene’s intensity. Everett True and photographer Steve Gullick launched Careless Talk Costs Lives in 2002, a deliberately short‑run magazine that championed female writers and bands at a time when the industry was still heavily male‑dominated.As rents surged through the 2010s, many of the cheap flats, rehearsal rooms and iconic venues that underpinned the scene vanished. The Free Butt closed, independent record stores shuttered, and the once‑abundant low‑cost infrastructure dwindled, prompting a migration of creative energy down the coast to places like Margate, Ramsgate, Folkestone and Shoreham.Nevertheless, the remnants of Brighton’s network continue to nurture new talent, from the Kooks to Dream Wife and Gazelle Twin. The city’s strength lies not in a singular sound but in its capacity to host a “constant collision of wildly dissimilar bands,” allowing artists to develop authentically and fearlessly.

Unai Emery has cautioned his Aston Villa side to approach Bologna with respect if they hope to progress in the Europa League with a victory over their Italian opponents. The Aston Villa manager described Bologna as a 'winner team' and emphasized the challenges of competing in Europe's top competitions.“To win in Europe is very, very difficult,” Emery said. “Firstly you must respect this competition. Because if you are not respecting the competition, if you are not focusing 100%, you are close to being out. And I have a lot of experiences with these situations.”Emery, who has won the Europa League a record four times as a manager, acknowledged that Villa could not be considered favorites for the quarter-final tie against Bologna. He highlighted Bologna's recent successes, including their 4-3 win away at Roma in the round of 16, which qualified them for the quarter-finals.“Bologna is a winner team, it’s a team that in the last years are playing fantastic and they are winning finals like last year [in the Coppa Italia],” Emery said. “I have respect for them as well as knowledge about the difficulties and this round for us is a huge challenge. We are ready but we are not going to send the message that we can be favourites because after the Roma tie it is 50-50.”Emery also anticipated a lively atmosphere at the Stadio Renato Dall’Ara, urging his players to be resilient and prepared for an intense match. “The supporters are always so important and they will create a great atmosphere here, which will be fantastic for them,” he said. “For us, it’s going to be very difficult. Every experience we are having in Europe, playing away, is more difficult than playing at home.”