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For the first time, thousands of cancer patients from Black and minority ethnic backgrounds will benefit from an enhanced genetic test offered by the NHS. The new screening expands the panel of DPYD gene variants from four to five, directly addressing a long‑standing bias that left non‑white patients vulnerable to dangerous chemotherapy side‑effects. In England, patients slated for chemotherapy undergo a genetic check that can guide dose adjustments and mitigate adverse reactions such as mouth sores, hair loss, nausea, fatigue, and, in severe cases, death. Up to 40% of the 38,000 individuals receiving fluoropyrimidine‑based chemotherapy each year experience a harmful drug reaction. Previously, the test only targeted four DPYD variants common in people of European descent, meaning many Black patients received inaccurate “all‑clear” results. The addition of a fifth variant—more prevalent among African, Caribbean and other minority groups—means clinicians can now identify patients at risk who were previously missed. Since its rollout at Manchester University NHS Foundation Trust last September, three minority‑ethnic patients have had their initial chemotherapy doses adjusted, lowering their chance of a potentially fatal reaction. Dr Veline L’Esperance, senior clinical adviser at the NHS Race and Health Observatory, called the change “tangible results for patients who have historically been left behind.” She emphasized that the update shifts the discussion on ethnic health inequality from rhetoric to actionable care. Prof Habib Naqvi, chief executive of the NHS Race and Health Observatory, described the development as a “groundbreaking outcome” for chemotherapy safety, while noting that ethnic minorities remain under‑represented in genomic research and biobanks. He warned that broader inclusion is essential for the promised benefits of precision medicine to reach all communities. Prof Dame Sue Hill, chief scientific officer for NHS England, highlighted the significance of discovering the fifth variant: “Personalising chemotherapy based on genetics can save lives and reduce harmful side‑effects, especially for patients of African ancestry.” She added that the North West NHS Genomic Medicine Service has already demonstrated the practical impact of this approach. These steps come amid broader evidence that minority patients in the UK face longer diagnostic waits, more GP visits before a cancer diagnosis, and lower perceived support during treatment. The expanded DPYD test represents a concrete effort to close those gaps and ensure equitable, science‑driven care for all cancer patients.

Taiwan's 'Sunshine Women's Choir' has taken the local box office by storm, but its success has been met with criticism over its emotionally manipulative tactics and lack of depth. The film, adapted from the 2010 Korean movie 'Harmony,' tells the story of Hui-Zhen, a woman who forms a choir with her fellow inmates to raise her infant daughter behind bars.The movie's director, Gavin Lin, has been accused of resorting to manipulative tactics to elicit emotions from the audience, including excessive crying and contrived plot twists. Despite its feel-good/feel-bad tone, the film's relentlessly peppy approach undermines any potential for foundational grit, critics argue.The story follows Hui-Zhen's journey as she navigates life in prison and forms a choir with her fellow inmates. However, the film's sanitized portrayal of prison life and its lack of meaningful character development have been criticized. The movie's use of showstoppers and flashbacks has also been seen as a way to avoid addressing the characters' deeper issues.Despite its criticisms, 'Sunshine Women's Choir' is set to hit UK cinemas on April 17. The film's success has sparked a debate about the role of emotion in filmmaking and the importance of depth in storytelling.

Rising energy costs stemming from the Iran war are set to deliver a sharp blow to British living standards, with the Resolution Foundation estimating that the average working‑age household could lose about £480 in income this year. Before the conflict began, the think‑tank projected a modest 0.9% rise in household earnings. Market‑driven energy price spikes have now pushed that forecast into a -0.6% decline, effectively turning a gain into a loss. Oil and gas markets have reacted dramatically: Brent crude has surged back above $100 per barrel (£74), while analysts such as JPMorgan Chase expect prices to stay elevated through the current quarter, with Goldman Sachs revising its Brent outlook to an average of $90 per barrel in Q2. For the poorest fifth of households, the outlook is equally grim. Expected income growth has been trimmed from 2.8% to 1.2%, despite a long‑overdue real‑terms increase in benefits for some low‑income families. Families with three or more children stand out as a relative bright spot. The abolition of the two‑child limit is projected to generate a 7.7% income boost for this group, contrasting with zero growth for poorer families with fewer children. Energy bills are also poised to climb this summer, erasing the £117 average savings households enjoyed after the regulator lowered the energy price cap in April, according to Jonathan Marshall, the foundation’s principal economist. In response, the Resolution Foundation is urging the UK government to fast‑track a social tariff before winter, aiming to shield the most vulnerable households from the worst of the price shock. James Smith, chief economist at the foundation, warned that “while hopes for sustained peace persist, the path of this conflict remains uncertain and energy prices stay well above pre‑war levels, meaning many households face a decline in purchasing power this year.” He added that “de‑escalation is welcome, but the damage to household finances is already largely done; the government should act now to prepare a social tariff that reaches households falling through the cracks this winter.”

When wages have been stagnant for almost two decades and a simple tube of toothpaste now costs nearly £7 at a major supermarket, the claim that “money can’t buy happiness” feels increasingly dismissive. The argument rests on a narrow view of what money can achieve. Spending cash solely on material goods yields only short‑lived pleasure. In contrast, the ability to afford time, experiences and mental‑health support expands one’s sense of freedom and purpose. Even basic needs such as leisure have become commodified; more disposable income simply translates into more opportunities to pursue what matters. As someone diagnosed with ADHD, I have learned—through personal trial rather than formal neuroscience—how to secure a steady supply of dopamine. The cheapest route is not a quick thrill, but activities that provide lasting satisfaction, such as novel experiences and moments of awe. One vivid example came during a winter trip to rural France, where two feet of snow turned the landscape into a scene straight out of Narnia. The awe‑inspiring view was a reminder that nature’s restorative power is often accessible only to those who can afford the travel, in my case a budget flight with Ryanair. Research supports the intuition that higher income correlates with greater happiness. A 2023 study by psychologists at Princeton and the University of Pennsylvania found that people with higher earnings report higher life satisfaction, though money cannot resolve non‑financial sources of unhappiness. Even the world’s richest are not immune to the paradox. Earlier this year, Elon Musk—on track to become the first trillionaire—tweeted that anyone who says “money can’t buy happiness” must be missing something. While Musk’s wealth may not guarantee personal joy, the same resources could provide a foundation for happiness for billions facing financial strain. Nevertheless, hoarding wealth like a dragon does not equate to fulfillment. The column suggests that redirecting a portion of vast fortunes toward travel, cultural enrichment, and shared experiences could transform isolated wealth into collective well‑being. In short, financial stability reduces stress and broadens horizons. It allows individuals to invest in the intangible assets—time, relationships, awe‑inducing experiences—that truly enrich life.

Argentina's glacier law has been in effect since 2010, and was the first legislation in Latin America to protect glaciers. It has been a point of contention for mining companies and provincial authorities ever since.The law bans 'any activity' that can affect the 'natural condition' of a glacier or the periglacial frozen land surrounding it, or that results in 'its destruction, movement or interferes with its advance'. That includes the construction of infrastructure not for scientific purposes and any industrial activity. Mining companies, including Barrick, have previously sought to have the law deemed unconstitutional, but the supreme court rejected the challenge.However, a recent reform to the glacier law driven by the far-right government of Javier Milei will relax restrictions, paving the way for mines in high-altitude areas blanketed with ice and snow, which are sources of water. The new law, approved on Wednesday by 137 votes to 111, with three abstentions, will enable provincial authorities to decide which glaciers are protected and which are open for development based on whether they represent a 'relevant water function'.Environmentalists and community members such as Zeballos, a 51-year-old accountant turned activist, have long alleged that Veladero, owned by Canada-based Barrick Mining Corporation and China's Shandong Gold, is operating illegally in an area considered off-limits by Argentina's Ley de Glaciares – or glacier law. The reform has sparked a wave of protests, with Greenpeace activists staging a demonstration on the steps of the National Congress.'What is at stake is the protection of key water reserves in Argentina,' says Andrés Nápoli, a lawyer and executive director of the Foundation of Environment and Natural Resources (Farn), an environmental and human rights NGO. 'Saying that you have to destroy glaciers to guarantee the energy transition is an oxymoron.'About 7 million people, 16% of the population in Argentina, live in areas that depend on glaciers, according to environmental organisations. Glaciers don't just feed rivers; they balance fragile ecosystems hit hard by a heating planet. In Argentina's northwest, scientists say they have shrunk by 17% in the past 10 years.

Starbucks's UK retail arm secured a significant £13.7m corporation tax credit last year, even as it reported a 6% increase in sales to £556.3m and added over 90 new stores, bringing its total to 1,304. The tax credit, which can be used to offset future tax bills, follows losses widening to £41.3m in the 12 months to September.The company's financial performance was impacted by £40m in royalty and licence fees paid to its parent company, Starbucks Emea. These fees, which are paid to a UK-based entity that collects similar fees from across Europe, the Middle East, and Africa, significantly contributed to the losses.Despite the losses, Starbucks UK's sales growth was driven by price increases, new loyalty schemes, and the introduction of “freshly baked in-store food”. The company also shifted its workforce towards full-time staff, reducing overall staff numbers by 244 to 5,352.Critics, such as the Fair Tax Foundation, argue that this situation highlights a recurring issue where large corporations like Starbucks use complex financial structures to minimize their tax liabilities. “This all feels so very Groundhog Day,” said Paul Monaghan, chief executive of the Fair Tax Foundation. “As per a decade ago, Starbucks UK reports annual growth in income and store numbers, whilst at the same time declaring a loss due to the payment of hefty royalty fees to other Starbucks subsidiaries. The end result, no corporation tax is paid.”In response, a Starbucks spokesperson emphasized the company's commitment to paying all taxes due, stating that it “manages its global tax responsibilities in keeping with its mission and values.”The company's financial challenges are expected to continue, with Starbucks UK citing a “challenging consumer environment” characterized by inflationary pressures, reduced discretionary spending, and increased competition. The company has received financial support from its parent group, including £30m in cash to keep the business afloat and a further £60m in February.

Britain’s recent reversal of the on‑shore wind ban, announced by Energy Secretary Ed Miliband, has set in motion a wave of proposals to install more than one hundred colossal turbines across the Cambrian Mountains of mid‑Wales. The Cambrians, a 500‑square‑mile stretch of moorland and high ground that remains the most extensive wilderness south of Scotland, could soon host turbines reaching 220–230 metres – roughly 50% taller than any existing on‑shore turbine in England and Wales and more than twice the height of Big Ben. Each turbine would sit on a 2,000‑tonne concrete foundation and require at least 100 tonnes of steel. The scheme also envisions over 200 km of new pylons to link the farms to the National Grid, alongside roads, repair bays and storage depots. Analysts note that the construction phase would generate a substantial carbon footprint, especially given the turbines’ relatively short operational life of 20–25 years. Environmental organisations, including the Wild Wales Trust and the Campaign for the Protection of Rural Wales, have rallied against the plans, warning that they would "degrade and industrialise huge areas of the uplands and valleys" and could encroach on Wales’s sole UNESCO biosphere reserve in the Dyfi valley. Local opposition is hampered by the region’s sparse population, but activists have been posting hand‑drawn notices on the Glaslyn uplands and highlighting the visual impact of proposed turbine clusters – for example, a hilltop site slated for 26 turbines that would dominate the skyline across the country, and a location dubbed “Artists Valley” that could be renamed after a row of 37 similar structures. Critics argue that Wales, which is moving toward renewable self‑sufficiency and already exports surplus power, does not need these installations for its own energy security. Instead, the turbines appear designed to feed the broader UK grid, echoing historic instances where Welsh resources were harnessed for the benefit of other regions, such as the 1960s water transfers to Liverpool. With the Cambrian Mountains lacking any national‑park protection – a status denied in the 1950s due to local farming opposition – the landscape remains vulnerable to large‑scale industrialisation. The proposed developments raise a fundamental question: should a politician’s ambition for renewable credentials outweigh the preservation of one of Britain’s most pristine natural areas?

Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

Afika Bambaataa, the Bronx‑born architect of modern hip‑hop, passed away at age 67 in Philadelphia early Thursday morning, with officials citing complications from cancer as the cause of death. The Hip‑Hop Alliance, chaired by veteran rapper Kurtis Blow, released a statement honoring Bambaataa’s role as a founding figure of the culture. The group praised his creation of the Universal Zulu Nation, which promoted the movement’s core values of peace, unity, love and fun, while also acknowledging the complexity of his legacy in light of recent abuse allegations. During the 1980s, Bambaataa helped define the sound of hip‑hop, most notably with the 1982 electro‑funk anthem “Planet Rock”. The track, which sampled German pioneers Kraftwerk, positioned him at the forefront of a new musical frontier and led to collaborations with artists such as John Lydon, George Clinton and James Brown. Born Lance Taylor, he launched the Universal Zulu Nation in the late 1970s, drawing inspiration from DJ Kool Herc and the solidarity of South Africa’s Zulu people. This collective became a cultural hub that spread hip‑hop’s ethos worldwide. In the early 1980s Bambaataa also performed with the electronic group Ebn Ozn, further cementing his reputation as a bridge between American street culture and European synth‑pop. His work helped crystallize the electro‑funk genre that dominated clubs across the globe. His activist side emerged in 1985 when he joined Artists United Against Apartheid to produce the landmark protest single “Sun City.” The project featured a roster of high‑profile musicians—including Bob Dylan, Bono, Bruce Springsteen and Run‑DMC—united against South Africa’s apartheid regime. Throughout the 1990s and early 2000s Bambaataa continued to record, culminating in his final album, “Dark Matter Moving at the Speed of Light” (2004). While his musical output waned, his influence on subsequent generations of artists remained unmistakable. However, Bambaataa’s later years were marred by serious accusations. In 2016, several Bronx men alleged sexual misconduct, which he publicly dismissed as “baseless and cowardly.” A former bodyguard later claimed to have witnessed inappropriate behavior involving teenage boys. The allegations resurfaced in May 2025 when an anonymous plaintiff filed a civil suit alleging four years of abuse beginning in 1992. Bambaataa failed to appear in court, resulting in a default judgment against him. As the hip‑hop community mourns a foundational artist, it also confronts the enduring debate over how to reconcile his cultural contributions with the serious allegations that have come to define the final chapter of his public life.