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UK Education Secretary Bridget Phillipson has publicly denounced Kanye West's antisemitic remarks, emphasizing that there is 'no place for that kind of hatred, bigotry or antisemitism' in the UK. Her comments come after West was announced as the headline act for all three nights of the Wireless festival in London's Finsbury Park.West has faced intense criticism for his antisemitic remarks, including voicing admiration for Adolf Hitler and releasing a song titled 'Heil Hitler.' These actions have led to calls from various UK ministers, organizations, and Jewish groups to ban him from performing at the festival and even from entering the country.Keir Starmer, the leader of the Labour Party, has expressed deep concern over West's booking at the festival, citing his previous antisemitic remarks and celebration of Nazism. The Campaign Against Antisemitism has also urged the government to take action, highlighting West's track titled 'Heil Hitler' and his history of antisemitic behavior.In response to the backlash, several sponsors, including Pepsi and Diageo, have withdrawn their sponsorship from the festival. Additionally, PayPal will not appear in any future promotional materials for the event.The controversy surrounding West's performance has sparked a broader conversation about antisemitism in the UK. Recent incidents, such as the firebombing of Jewish community-run ambulances in Golders Green and an attack on a synagogue in Manchester, have raised concerns about growing antisemitism in the country.

Mayor Claudia Kalisch, vice‑president of the German Federation of Cities and leader of the Green‑party city of Lüneburg, announced a push for a nationwide ban on night‑time use of robotic lawnmowers. The proposal aims to curb injuries and deaths among hedgehogs and other small nocturnal animals that frequent residential gardens after dark.Recent research has highlighted that the fast‑moving blades of autonomous mowers pose a hidden danger to wildlife active between dusk and dawn. Hedgehogs, which often curl into a ball when threatened, are especially difficult for mower sensors to detect.Kalisch told the Funke newspaper group that urban green spaces have become critical refuges as development and intensive agriculture shrink natural habitats. She noted that petitions urging the ban have amassed tens of thousands of signatures earlier this year, reflecting broad public concern.In addition to legislative pressure, the mayor called on manufacturers to develop hedgehog‑friendly technology. She emphasized that industry responsibility is essential for protecting biodiversity and improving city life quality.The European red‑list classifies hedgehogs as "near threatened" since 2024, after a documented 30% population decline over the past decade. Beyond mower hazards, motorised leaf blowers, vacuums, and vehicle collisions—responsible for up to one in three fatalities—exacerbate the species’ decline across Europe.Scientists at the University of Oxford, in collaboration with Danish colleagues, recently demonstrated that hedgehogs can hear high‑frequency ultrasound, opening the possibility of sonic road repellers to deter them from dangerous areas. The same team has produced 3D‑printed, crash‑test dummy hedgehogs to work with manufacturers on a future certification scheme for "hedgehog‑safe" mowers.Study co‑author Anne Berger of Germany’s Leibniz Institute for Zoo and Wildlife Research warned that injuries from robotic mowers place an "enormous burden" on animal‑care centres, with many victims discovered days or weeks after the incident, enduring prolonged suffering.German law already protects hedgehogs, imposing fines of up to €65,000 for illegal trapping, injury, or killing. Several cities—including Cologne, Leipzig and Munich—have already outlawed night‑time mower operation. However, a recent attempt by the Greens to enact a statewide ban in Bavaria was rejected.

Progressive candidate Abdul El‑Sayed’s alliance with left‑wing Twitch streamer Hasan Piker has ignited a sharp rift within Michigan’s tightly contested three‑way Senate race, pitting establishment favorite Mallory McMorrow against a pro‑Israel coalition supporting Rep. Haley Stevens. McMorrow, backed by the Democratic establishment, the Anti‑Defamation League, the Trump administration, and prominent pro‑Israel figures, has condemned Piker as antisemitic and warned that his involvement could alienate voters still reeling from the recent Temple Israel synagogue attack. In contrast, El‑Sayed and Piker announced a joint rally last week, prompting McMorrow’s camp to label the partnership a political liability. Seven Arab American leaders interviewed by the Guardian argue that the attacks on El‑Sayed and Piker are both strategic missteps and moral blunders that repeat the mistakes that cost the Democrats in Michigan in 2024. Michigan houses the nation’s highest per‑capita Arab American population, anchored by a large Lebanese diaspora. The ongoing Israeli assault on southern Lebanon—displacing over 1 million civilians and destroying villages—has hit the community hard, with many families directly affected. "Arabs get the pressure and Israel gets compassion," said James Zogby of the Democratic National Committee, underscoring the perceived double standard. Arab American leaders contend that the Democratic focus on Israel while sidelining Lebanese and Muslim concerns could erode crucial voter support. Data from the 2024 election illustrate the risk: Kamala Harris lost Michigan by roughly 80,000 votes, with some analysts estimating that her pro‑Israel stance cost her an additional 100,000 votes. A Guardian analysis found a 22,000‑vote swing away from Democrats in the three cities with the largest Arab American and Muslim populations. National polling now shows a dramatic shift among Democratic voters: support for Israel’s war in Gaza has fallen to an all‑time low of 8%, while a majority favor an arms embargo on Israel. Piker, who commands a 3‑million‑strong Twitch audience, consistently voices sympathy for Palestinians and calls for an embargo, positioning himself as a bridge to younger, progressive voters. Despite the controversy, El‑Sayed maintains that winning requires dialogue with all constituencies, even those outside the progressive bubble, noting his recent appearance on Fox News. He warned that every dollar spent on what he calls an "illegal, unjustified war in Iran" diverts resources from schools, healthcare, and infrastructure in Michigan. As the 2028 election cycle looms, Arab American leaders caution that the Democratic Party’s handling of the Israel‑Palestine issue in this swing state could have lasting repercussions, potentially reshaping the party’s fortunes in the Midwest.

German coaches have long joked about “following your opponent into the loo”, a tongue‑in‑cheek reference to the old‑fashioned man‑marking system that once defined their defensive work‑rate. That approach resurfaced after Atalanta’s surprise Europa League triumph in 2024, but the tactic proved disastrous when the Italian side faced Bayern Munich in the Champions League round‑of‑16, suffering a 10‑2 aggregate defeat that highlighted its limitations against superior individual talent.While a few Bundesliga sides have begun to experiment with tighter marking again, the author warns that such a strategy can only serve as a short‑term surprise element – it cannot sustain a full 90‑minute match on a pitch that is simply too large for pure man‑to‑man battles.In contrast, Spanish teams continue to perfect a ball‑oriented defensive structure built on clearly defined positions, coordinated movement and a collective “swarm” that shifts the battle into the opponent’s half. This philosophy demands constant cooperation and tactical intelligence, turning one‑on‑one duels into moments of brilliance rather than the default defensive method.The results speak for themselves: Spanish clubs have captured 24 titles across the Champions League, Europa League and Cup Winners’ Cup since 2000, far outpacing England’s 11, Italy’s five and Germany’s four. Over the past twelve seasons, La Liga has supplied the Champions League winner in seven instances, and this year it again provides the most quarter‑finalists – Real Madrid, Barcelona and Atlético Madrid.Even when Spanish clubs are not the outright favourites, their influence permeates the competition. Managers such as Mikel Arteta and Luis Enrique, both products of the Barcelona coaching lineage, embed the Spanish style into English and French clubs respectively, while still adding their personal nuances.Spanish coaches now dominate the European scene: in the last‑16 stage of the three major tournaments, eleven managers are Spanish, more than double the count from any other nation, and three Spaniards are already represented in the quarter‑finals.Notable figures include Xabi Alonso, who halted Bayern’s dominance with Bayer Leverkusen, Unai Emery, who consistently elevates second‑tier clubs like Aston Villa, and Cesc Fàbregas, who is reshaping Serie A with Como. Even Pep Guardiola, after a rare Champions League exit, is reinventing his Manchester City side with fresh personnel and tactical tweaks, proving that even the most successful systems must evolve.At the national level, Luis de la Fuente has overseen Spain’s rise to European glory, guiding the senior side to the 2024 Euro title and adding two more continental crowns in the past five editions – a dominance unmatched since Germany’s golden era of the 1970s‑80s.By contrast, Italy’s historic football school appears to be in decline. No Italian club has reached this year’s Champions League quarter‑finals, and the national team failed to qualify for the World Cup for the third consecutive time, underscoring a widening gap between the Spanish and Italian models.The resurgence of man‑marking in Germany, even among elite defenders like Vincent Kompany at Bayern, hints at a possible tactical swing, but the author cautions that without a broader strategic framework it may prove as fleeting as the Atalanta experiment.Ultimately, the article posits that the Spanish coaching philosophy – a blend of technical excellence, positional discipline and collective intelligence – has become the benchmark for European success, leaving rivals to either adapt or risk obsolescence.

Elvira Notari—Italy’s first and most prolific female filmmaker—crafted a vivid portrait of early‑20th‑century Naples through melodramas such as È piccerella (1922). The film opens with bustling pilgrimage scenes at the Candelora festival, juxtaposing flamboyant revelry with stark images of poverty, a visual strategy that challenged the sanitized narratives favored by the fascist regime.According to film scholar Giuliana Bruno, Notari’s work was driven by a desire to document reality, exposing class tensions and gendered oppression that Mussolini’s censors deemed unacceptable. A 1928 censorship law explicitly banned Neapolitan films featuring “stallholders, beggars, urchins, dirty alleyways,” effectively silencing Notari’s authentic street‑level storytelling.Despite directing around 60 feature films—many hand‑coloured—alongside her husband Nicola at Dora Film, only three titles (A Santanotte, È piccerella, Fantasia ‘e surdato) and fragments survive today, a loss directly attributable to fascist suppression and the prohibitive cost of sound‑film conversion.The newly released documentary Elvira Notari: Beyond Silence, produced by Antonella Di Nocera and directed by Valerio Ciriaci, reconstructs Notari’s fragmented career by collaborating with contemporary “artisans”—photographers, visual artists, novelists, and musicians who reinterpret her silent‑film aesthetics. Ciriaci notes that the absence of personal archives made the film’s investigative approach essential, turning Notari’s silence into a creative catalyst.Critics emphasize Notari’s lasting influence on Italian‑American auteurs such as Francis Ford Coppola and Martin Scorsese. Elements of her chaotic street festivals anticipate the wedding scenes in *The Godfather* and *Goodfellas*, while her raw urban tableaux echo the gritty New York sequences of *Taxi Driver*.Beyond cinematic technique, scholars like Cristina Jandelli argue that Notari’s intertitles reveal a pronounced class consciousness and a critique of women’s marginalisation in early 20th‑century Italy. Her use of Neapolitan dialect and unvarnished depictions of squalor directly opposed the regime’s propaganda‑driven vision of a unified, pristine Italy.After Dora Film collapsed in 1930, Notari retired to Cava de’ Tirreni and died in 1946, largely forgotten until recent scholarly revival. The documentary positions her as a “symbol of the right to memories,” underscoring the ongoing relevance of silenced female voices in cultural history.*Elvira Notari: Beyond Silence* will premiere at New York’s Film Forum on 6 April 2026 and tour the United Kingdom throughout April and May, offering audiences a chance to reconnect with a pioneering filmmaker whose work was once erased by fascism.

From Monday, the United Kingdom’s statutory sick‑pay system will shift to pay employees from the first day of illness, a change that the Trades Union Congress (TUC) says will benefit up to 9.6 million workers. The reform is part of the first tranche of the Employment Rights Act 2025, which also introduces new safeguards on sexual harassment, parental leave and trade‑union recognition. Under the new rules, roughly 8.4 million employees who already receive statutory sick pay will see their entitlement start on day one rather than after a three‑day waiting period. In addition, about 1.2 million workers previously excluded because they earned less than the £125‑a‑week threshold will now qualify for the benefit. The expansion is expected to aid groups that are over‑represented in low‑paid or part‑time roles – notably women, disabled staff, and younger or older workers. The TUC argues that the measure will ease the financial pressure on lower‑income households, which often face a choice between extending their illness or forfeiting essential income. A TUC‑commissioned poll found that 76 % of respondents support sick pay from day one, indicating broad public approval across party lines. Business representatives, however, warn that the policy adds to a string of cost pressures already hitting firms. Neil Carberry, chief executive of the Recruitment and Employment Confederation, highlighted that employers are simultaneously coping with higher national‑minimum wages, increased payroll taxes and rising energy costs linked to the ongoing war with Iran. He cautioned that the new sick‑pay rules could force some companies to cut staff or raise prices, describing the situation as a "tipping point". Carberry also warned of potential abuse, saying a small minority of workers might attempt to exploit the system unless clear guidance is issued quickly. "The changes to statutory sick pay introduced this week will also cause chaos if not coupled swiftly with better guidance for firms," he said.

Gaza City, Gaza – While Easter traditionally celebrates resurrection and renewal, Gaza’s dwindling Christian population spent the holiday in quiet reflection, confronting displacement, scarcity and the trauma of a conflict the United Nations has described as genocide. The enclave is home to fewer than 1,000 Christians, a community already small before the war that has suffered heavy casualties; more than 72,000 Palestinians have been killed since Israel’s offensive began on 7 October 2023. Inside the remaining churches, prayers and modest services carried profound meaning as families clung to hope for survival and peace. Yet basic necessities—electricity, water and food—remain in short supply, and even traditional Easter items such as eggs are virtually unavailable. Fouad Ayad, a bio‑energy trainer displaced from near al‑Rantisi Children’s Hospital, described searching the markets of Gaza City for eggs without success. “We decorate eggs for the children, and sometimes Muslim children visit us for colourful eggs,” he told Al Jazeera, highlighting the inter‑communal bonds that persist despite the siege. Shortages have also erased the customary communal lunch. “Meat is scarce and extremely expensive,” Ayad lamented, recalling how families once gathered to share meals, colour eggs and visit elderly neighbours of all faiths. The Church of the Holy Family, which Ayad once attended, has been struck multiple times. “Three of my relatives were killed in one attack, and another strike killed more than 20 Christians,” he recounted, illustrating the direct targeting of places of worship. Attendance at Easter services in Gaza’s sole Catholic church has dwindled as many believers have fled the Strip. Yet, as one worshipper put it, “We only performed the prayers, refusing to celebrate because of our martyrs,” affirming their resolve to remain rooted in the land despite the devastation. Israeli restrictions have prevented Christians from traveling to the Old City of East Jerusalem to attend the Holy Sepulchre for the past two years. Recent attempts by Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa to enter the site were initially blocked, only to be reversed after international outcry. Elias al‑Jelda, a 60‑year‑old Orthodox council member, recounted sheltering in the Church of the Holy Family after his home was destroyed. “I lost friends, neighbours and relatives, many killed while staying close to their homes and faith,” he said, underscoring the personal toll of the conflict. Traditional Easter treats—coloured eggs, kahk, maamoul and Eidiya gifts—are largely absent this year. “There are no eggs anywhere in the Strip,” reported 74‑year‑old Amal al‑Masri, who recalled pre‑war celebrations filled with shared meals and festive sweets. Power outages compound the hardship. “Electricity continues to be a major problem, and the soaring cost of diesel and generator oil makes it worse,” al‑Jelda warned, highlighting the broader infrastructure collapse affecting all Gazans. Despite the bleak circumstances, the remaining Christians affirm their identity and solidarity with the broader Palestinian population. “No matter what your political agenda or religion is, all of us Palestinians are targeted by the occupation,” a worshipper declared, encapsulating the collective sense of victimhood and resilience.

Iran is experiencing the longest nationwide internet blackout ever recorded, according to the global monitoring group NetBlocks. Since the United States and Israel launched their war on Iran on February 28, connectivity has hovered at about 1% of pre‑war levels, effectively cutting the country off from the global web. The blackout follows a prior 20‑day shutdown in January, which coincided with deadly nationwide protests. Combined, these measures mean that Iranian civilians have spent close to two‑thirds of 2026 in digital darkness, relying only on a slow, state‑controlled intranet for basic services and state‑run news. NetBlocks highlighted that while regions such as Myanmar, Sudan, Kashmir and Tigray have endured longer intermittent outages, no other war has forced an entire nation offline to this extent. The monitor added that Iran is the first country to lose previously functional internet connectivity by reverting to a national network. Economic analysts warned that the January shutdown already caused the economy to lose tens of millions of dollars each day in direct damages, with far‑reaching indirect effects. Companies reported that many online businesses could not survive more than three weeks without connectivity, leading to a wave of layoffs and reduced pay raises. One affected worker, Kamran, a product designer in Karaj, said he was dismissed after the latest wave of cuts. He now relies on a local skill‑matching group, but fears competition from thousands of similarly displaced workers. A senior data analyst from a Tehran firm disclosed that the firm is offering lower-than‑expected raises and shifting to three‑month contracts, creating uncertainty about future employment. Compounding the digital crisis, the war has targeted Iran’s steel factories, petrochemical plants and other civilian infrastructure, aggravating pre‑existing problems of high inflation and unemployment. Only a limited segment of the population can access the global internet—either because they are whitelisted by the state or because they pay steep fees for proxy connections that often disappear after a few hours. Government spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani stated that internet access is being granted only to those who can “get the voice out,” such as officials, state‑affiliated entities and news agencies. Citizens on the ground describe a grim reality: frequent power outages, uncertainty about water supplies, and an inability to use services like Google Search or AI tools, even as they watch live feeds from space missions that remain inaccessible. In response to the prolonged shutdown, authorities have begun rolling out a tiered system dubbed “Internet Pro.” Business groups have received a “guide to connect to international internet,” urging them to contact a state‑run messaging app, Bale, for registration. Parallel efforts by a major telecom carrier offer one‑year data packages at prices higher than normal plans, while existing providers have not refunded customers for services they cannot deliver. President Masoud Pezeshkian’s administration, which campaigned on unblocking Iran’s internet, has offered no official explanation for the shutdown, leaving both the battered digital sector and the broader economy facing an uncertain future.

Iran’s sports minister, Ahmad Donyamali, warned on Sunday that his country’s participation in the 2026 World Cup remains doubtful unless FIFA agrees to shift Iran’s group‑stage fixtures from the United States to Mexico. The Iranian Football Federation (IFF) formally asked the global governing body to relocate the matches, but, according to Donyamali, it has yet to receive a definitive response. “If our request is accepted, Iran’s participation will be certain,” Donyamali told Turkey’s Anadolu news agency, underscoring the link between venue security and the team’s willingness to travel. The request comes amid heightened tensions after Israel and the United States launched attacks on Iran on February 28, sparking a broader regional conflict. Tehran retaliated with missile and drone strikes targeting Israeli sites, U.S. bases in the Middle East, and Gulf infrastructure. Iran, the first Asian nation to qualify for the tournament, is slated to play all three group matches on the U.S. West Coast – Los Angeles on June 16, Belgium in Los Angeles on June 22, and Seattle on June 26. Former President Donald Trump recently said Iran was “welcome” in the United States but added that he doubted the venue was “appropriate for their own life and safety.” In response, the Iranian team posted on social media that “no one can exclude Iran’s national team from the World Cup.” Iranian football chief Mehdi Taj echoed the sentiment, stating, “When Trump explicitly says he cannot guarantee our security, we will not travel to America.” Taj confirmed ongoing negotiations with FIFA to move the games to Mexico. FIFA, however, rejected the relocation request, reaffirming that the schedule announced last year will stand. President Gianni Infantino told IFF Vice President Mehdi Mohammad Nabi that “the matches will be played where they are supposed to be, according to the draw.” Despite the diplomatic deadlock, Donyamali affirmed that Iran’s players continue training and will be ready for the tournament, provided that adequate security guarantees are secured from the host nations. “Under these circumstances, the possibility of Iran playing in the United States is very low; if the necessary security assurances are given, our government will make the final decision,” Donyamali said, adding that former President Trump’s remarks were “morally and ethically unbalanced.” The World Cup kicks off on June 11 in Mexico, with the opening matches in the United States and Canada following on June 12. The final is set for July 19 in East Rutherford, New Jersey.