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Hungary’s political landscape shifted dramatically last weekend when Peter Magyar secured a landslide victory, ending Viktor Orban’s 16‑year rule. Magyar, now head of the centre‑right Tisza party, has pledged to steer the nation back toward the European Union and to eliminate Russian oil imports by 2035. Under Orban, Hungary deepened its energy ties with Moscow, opposing EU sanctions and blocking military aid to Ukraine. The country became a key conduit for Russian oil and gas into the EU, largely via the Druzhba pipeline, which delivered up to 93% of Hungary’s crude by 2025, up from 61% in 2021, according to a 2026 Center for the Study of Democracy (CSD) report. Gas dependence is similarly stark: the CSD data show that roughly three‑quarters of Hungary’s annual gas imports come from Russia, amounting to an estimated €15.6 billion ($18.4 bn) since the invasion of Ukraine. Long‑term contracts with Gazprom and reliance on the TurkStream pipeline have locked Hungary into Moscow’s re‑engineered gas export system. Hungary’s nuclear sector also ties it to Russia. The Paks plant, which supplies 40‑50% of the nation’s electricity, is being expanded with financing from Russia’s state nuclear corporation Rosatom. The expansion would raise nuclear output to 60‑70%, reducing overall import needs but preserving a strategic link to Moscow. Magyar acknowledges the difficulty of a swift break. "The geographical position of neither Russia nor Hungary will change. Our energy exposure will also be here for a while," he told voters before the election. Yet he insists that ending dependence does not mean abandoning all contracts, emphasizing a need to balance existing obligations with a political shift away from Russia. Analysts note that diversification will be costly. Russian oil has been purchased at discounted rates due to Western sanctions, and alternatives—such as the Adria pipeline delivering non‑Russian crude to Hungarian refiner MOL—are more expensive. A 2025 joint study by CSD and the Center for Research on Energy and Clean Air suggests the Adria route could help, but price differentials remain a barrier. The EU has set a binding deadline to phase out Russian oil and gas by late 2027. Magyar’s 2035 target therefore exceeds the bloc’s timetable, raising questions about Hungary’s compliance and its future relations with Brussels. European Council on Foreign Relations senior fellow Pawel Zerka warns that Hungary lacks easy substitutes, especially given global supply disruptions like the Strait of Hormuz closure, which has halted 20% of world oil and LNG shipments. Domestically, public sentiment appears hostile to Russia; a recent ECFR poll shows a majority of Tisza voters view Moscow as an adversary. This political pressure limits Magyar’s ability to maintain cordial ties with President Vladimir Putin while pursuing energy security. In summary, Hungary faces a complex transition: it must untangle decades of energy interdependence, manage higher costs for alternative supplies, and align its timeline with EU mandates—all while navigating domestic expectations and regional geopolitical tensions.

Ukraine has significantly damaged or destroyed a substantial amount of Russian oil and gas infrastructure over the past two weeks. This has led Russia to warn European countries and industries about funding Ukraine's long-range drone production, citing a potential escalation of the military and political situation in Europe. Russia's defence ministry stated that European leaders' decisions to support Ukraine's drone production are 'deliberate steps leading to a sharp escalation of the military and political situation on the entire European continent.' The ministry also warned of 'unpredictable consequences' and accused European leaders of 'dragging their countries into a war with Russia.' The warning came after Ukraine secured new agreements with European defence companies this week. Notably, Germany agreed to invest 300 million euros ($355m) in Ukraine's long-range strike capability and will separately invest in 5,000 mid-range attack drones. Norway also signed an agreement with Ukraine for joint drone production and donated 560 million euros ($661.5m) to support Ukrainian front lines. Ukraine's strikes have targeted various Russian oil infrastructure, including drilling platforms, pipelines, pumping stations, offloading terminals, and refineries. These strikes have been confirmed by geolocated video footage or Russian officials. In the past week alone, Ukraine struck two drilling platforms in the northern Caspian Sea, two oil pumping stations, an oil depot, an ammonia plant, a petrochemical plant, and an oil export terminal and refinery. Russia has missed out on $23bn windfall profit in March due to Ukraine's strikes, which have destroyed its ability to export at least 2 million barrels of oil a day. The strikes have hit a range of targets, causing significant financial losses for Russia. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy justified the attacks, stating that 'only significant financial losses force Russia to consider a scenario of abandoning this war.' The situation highlights the ongoing conflict between Ukraine and Russia, with European countries playing a crucial role in supporting Ukraine's military capabilities.

UK Chancellor Rachel Reeves is poised to raise the government's windfall tax on low-carbon electricity generators to help limit household energy bills. The levy, introduced in 2022, targets excess profits made by owners of older renewable energy and nuclear plants.The chancellor is ready to hike the electricity generator levy, which currently stands at 45%, as electricity market prices soared following Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The increased tax will help shield consumer energy bills in the short term while the government consults on long-term plans to reform the wholesale market.The government is also expected to consult on plans to shift older, low-carbon projects onto newer set-price contracts, providing electricity at a guaranteed price. This move aims to weaken the link between gas market prices and electricity costs, which has led to a surge in electricity market prices across Europe.Executives across the industry have been informed to expect contact from officials on Monday to outline the government's determination to protect electricity costs from the surge in gas markets. The plans have already impacted shares in energy companies, with SSE falling over 6% and Centrica closing down 5% on Friday.The proposed reforms have sparked concerns within the industry, with some viewing them as a fundamental reform of energy markets. The government is considering radical proposals, including removing gas plants from the market and holding them in strategic reserve.

Modern combat has been reshaped by the Russia‑Ukraine war, the Gaza clashes, India‑Pakistan skirmishes and the recent US‑Israel strikes on Iran, driving an unprecedented global appetite for drones, missiles and sophisticated air‑defence systems. Turkey, a leading military power in the Middle East, is positioning itself as a key supplier in this booming market. At the heart of Turkey’s push is Roketsan, a firm founded in 1988 to equip the Turkish Armed Forces. Today the company exports to roughly 50 nations and is counted among the fastest‑growing defence enterprises worldwide. Bypassing Western embargoes has been a catalyst for this growth. After the United States imposed CAATSA sanctions in 2020 and removed Turkey from the F‑35 programme, Ankara was forced to develop an indigenous defence ecosystem. The result is a network of nearly 4,000 small and medium‑sized enterprises that now supplies over 90 % of the components used in Turkish weapons. Financially, the strategy is paying off. In 2025 Turkish defence exports reached $10 billion. Roketsan’s General Manager Murat Ikinci told Al Jazeera the firm sits at 71st place among global defence firms and is targeting a climb into the top 50, then top 20, and ultimately the top 10 by the end of the decade. To fuel this ambition, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan inaugurated a suite of new facilities last week, including: Europe’s largest warhead production plant. A new R&D centre employing 1,000 engineers. The “Kirikkale” complex dedicated to rocket‑fuel research. Infrastructure for mass‑producing ballistic and cruise missiles. The construction represents a $1 billion outlay, with an additional $2 billion earmarked for scaling up production capacity. Roketsan’s R&D engine—the third‑largest in Turkey with 3,200 engineers—draws heavily on lessons from ongoing wars. The Ukraine conflict highlighted the effectiveness of cheap FPV and AI‑guided kamikaze drones, prompting Roketsan to field systems such as the ALKA and BURC air‑defences and the laser‑guided CIRIT missile. Recent US‑Israel operations against Iran have underscored the threat posed by low‑cost Iranian‑designed Shahed drones, now upgraded with Russian “Kometa‑B” anti‑jamming modules. These swarms have overwhelmed regional defences and even struck a British base in Cyprus in March 2026, while NATO intercepted three Iranian ballistic missiles that entered Turkish airspace. In response, Roketsan is advancing the “Tayfun” (Typhoon) missile family. The flagship Tayfun Block 4 is a hypersonic ballistic missile designed to pierce advanced air‑defence layers at extreme speeds. When pressed for specifics, Ikinci declined to disclose the exact range, noting only that it is “sufficient.” Strategically, Turkey is shifting away from Western dependence toward an “Eastern” partnership model. Roketsan now offers joint production and technology‑development agreements, establishing co‑located facilities and R&D centres across the Middle East, Far East and Europe. Qatar has been cited as a flagship example of this collaborative approach. Roketsan has identified five priority product lines to meet rising global demand: Long‑range ballistic and cruise missiles. Advanced air‑defence systems, including “Steel Dome”, Hisar‑A, Hisar‑O and Siper. Submarine‑launched cruise missiles leveraging the AKYA system. Smart micro‑munitions for armed drones. Long‑range air‑to‑air missiles, a capability highlighted by the recent India‑Pakistan clash. The timing is critical. Ongoing conflicts have depleted the stockpiles of high‑end air‑defence assets worldwide. During the US‑Israel‑Iran confrontation, the United States relied heavily on Patriot and THAAD systems, raising concerns that interceptor inventories could run low. Gulf states, which have logged over 1,000 drone sightings in their airspace, are actively seeking alternative solutions—an opening that Turkey’s self‑sufficient supply chain is poised to fill. Analysts warn that even major powers like the United States will need years to rebuild their air‑defence inventories due to the complexity of production. Turkey’s claim of near‑complete domestic manufacturing positions it as a ready supplier for nations eager to diversify away from traditional Western sources. As demand for missiles and drones surges, Roketsan is reinvesting its revenues into expanding production infrastructure, aiming to cement its place among the world’s elite defence exporters.

A devastating fire has engulfed the largest of Australia's two oil refineries, operated by Viva Energy in Geelong, Victoria. The blaze, which began on Wednesday night, had been brought under control by Thursday noon. The refinery, which processes 120,000 barrels of oil per day, accounts for approximately 10% of Australia's fuel production.The fire was triggered by a gas leak that ignited, sending flames as high as 60m (200 feet) into the air. Fortunately, firefighters managed to contain the blaze without it spreading to other parts of the plant, which produces high-octane petrol, jet fuel, and diesel.The incident comes at a critical time for Australia, which relies on imports for 80% of its fuel needs. The country is racing to replace supply disrupted by the Middle East conflict, which has driven up energy prices worldwide. Fuel security is a growing concern in the Asia Pacific region, with Australia lacking major stockpiles.In response to the crisis, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese announced that Australia had secured an additional supply of 100 million litres of diesel from Brunei and South Korea. The government has urged Australians to avoid panic-buying fuel and to conserve petrol where possible.Australia's fuel reserves stand at approximately 38 days' worth of petrol, falling short of the 90-day minimum recommended by the International Energy Agency. The country is heavily reliant on oil shipped through the Strait of Hormuz, which has seen shipping traffic cease since the US and Israel launched their war against Iran.

UK Chancellor Rachel Reeves has announced that she and Energy Secretary Ed Miliband are working to break the link between gas prices and electricity costs in the UK. Currently, under the marginal cost pricing model, gas prices almost always set the price of electricity. Speaking in Washington, Reeves explained that when gas prices are high, electricity costs increase even though the cost of producing electricity doesn't change. The goal is to delink these prices, especially as renewable energy makes up a larger part of the UK's energy mix. Renewables have already reduced the time gas sets the wholesale price of electricity by about a third since the early 2020s, according to the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero. The head of Energy UK, Dhara Vyas, noted that decoupling electricity prices from gas will occur gradually with the transition to clean power. Reeves also discussed encouraging investment in North Sea oil and gas tiebacks, which involve using existing infrastructure to exploit larger areas of oil and gas. This approach is seen as the quickest way to bring more oil and gas online. Greenpeace has proposed moving gas plants into a regulated asset base to make gas a strategic reserve and reduce its impact on market prices. The organization argues that this could save billions annually and benefit from cheaper, homegrown renewables.

The UK is bracing for possible gaps on supermarket shelves this summer as the ongoing conflict in Iran threatens to disrupt carbon dioxide (CO2) supplies, a critical component in the food industry. CO2 is essential for the humane slaughter of livestock, packaging of fresh meats and produce, and production of fizzy drinks and beer.Government ministers are reportedly drawing up contingency plans for a 'reasonable worst-case scenario' if the Strait of Hormuz, a key shipping lane, remains closed. This could lead to shortages of CO2, impacting supplies of chicken, pork, and fizzy drinks.The business secretary, Peter Kyle, has reassured the public that ministers are making contingency plans to deal with possible consequences of the Iran war. The government has invested £100m to reopen the mothballed Ensus bioethanol plant on Teesside to mitigate potential CO2 shortages.The CEO of Tesco, Ken Murphy, has expressed confidence in the company's ability to manage supply chains, stating that they have 'seen nothing at this point' in terms of problems within their supply chain caused by CO2 availability issues. However, the UK is one of Europe's largest users of CO2, and any disruption could have significant impacts on the food industry and beyond.

Tehran has issued an uncompromising demand for $270 billion in reparations for the devastation wrought by United States and Israeli strikes since the war began on 28 February. The figure, disclosed by government spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani in an interview with Russia’s RIA Novosti, aggregates both direct and indirect losses across a wide range of sectors. Iran’s UN envoy asserted that five regional states must contribute to the compensation, alleging that their territories served as launchpads for attacks on Iranian soil. In parallel, Tehran floated a Strait of Hormuz protocol that would levy a tax on vessels transiting the strategic waterway, earmarking the proceeds for reconstruction. The war has battered Iran’s critical infrastructure: oil and gas complexes, petrochemical plants, steel and aluminium factories, as well as military installations have been repeatedly struck. Damage extends to bridges, ports, railways, universities, research centres, power stations and desalination plants, while countless hospitals, schools and civilian homes have been either damaged or razed. In the aviation sector, Maghsoud Asadi Samani, secretary of the Association of Iranian Airlines, reported that 60 civilian aircraft have been rendered inoperable, with 20 completely destroyed. Iran now operates roughly 160 passenger planes, many of which are decades old and suffer from parts shortages due to stringent US sanctions. The airline industry estimates losses exceeding 300 trillion rials (≈ $190 million) over just 40 days of conflict, compounded by the loss of anticipated revenue from the Nowruz holiday period. Despite the extensive damage, Iranian officials have signalled no willingness to make major concessions in forthcoming negotiations with Washington, including on nuclear enrichment. Hard‑line parliament spokesman Ebrahim Rezaei warned that extending the recent two‑week ceasefire would merely allow the US and Israel to replenish their arsenals, urging the United States to either recognise Iran’s rights—particularly over the Strait of Hormuz—or return to hostilities. Financially, Iran allocated close to $8 billion to its military in 2024, according to SIPRI, and has pledged to triple that budget following previous missile exchanges with Israel. Yet the economy remains strained by years of sanctions, mismanagement and corruption. Compounding the economic strain, the government‑imposed near‑total internet shutdown—affecting over 90 million users—has been estimated to cost the nation up to $80 million per day. Afshin Kolahi of the Iran Chamber of Commerce warned that the blackout equates to losing the output of four B1‑class bridges and two medium‑capacity power plants each day. While a limited “Internet Pro” service is being offered to select users, the majority of the population remains confined to a state‑controlled intranet, prompting widespread calls for internet freedom. These intertwined military, economic and digital pressures underscore the high stakes of the anticipated US‑Iran talks, with Tehran demanding acknowledgment of its losses and a pathway to rebuild a war‑torn nation.

UK officials have entered exclusive talks with a Norwegian startup, Blastr, to buy the former Liberty Steel works in South Yorkshire, in a significant step towards its rescue. Blastr, owned by Vanir Green Industries, a Norwegian investor in renewable industries, is understood to be the bidder preferred by the government’s official receiver to take on ownership of the UK’s largest existing electric arc furnace in Rotherham and other works in Stocksbridge, both in South Yorkshire.The business, formally named Speciality Steel UK (SSUK), has been under the official receiver’s control since August, after the previous owner Sanjeev Gupta lost ownership in London’s high court. Finding a new buyer would remove a headache for the government, which also a year ago took control of the Chinese-owned British Steel blast furnaces in Scunthorpe, Lincolnshire.Blastr is run by Mark Bula, who has worked for and run large steel businesses in India and the US. The company does not yet operate any steel plants, although it is developing a site in Finland to use green hydrogen to produce iron and steel. It is likely to have to secure financing to take on the SSUK sites in South Yorkshire, but it would allow them to progress rapidly.Union officials welcomed the news after employees were informed. Charlotte Brumpton-Childs, a former steelworker and a national secretary of the GMB union, said Liberty Steel workers “have been at the sharp end of years of uncertainty at this point – this needs to be a deal that secures the long-term future of steelmaking in South Yorkshire”. She added: “Any sale of SSUK must include due diligence which guarantees ongoing operations and stability of the sites.”