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Benin’s presidential contest is tilting decisively toward the incumbent government’s nominee, Romuald Wadagni, after his only challenger, Paul Hounkpe of the Cowry Forces for an Emerging Benin party, publicly acknowledged defeat on national television. Hounkpe’s concession, aired on Monday, included a call for “republican congratulations” and a reminder that democratic health depends on mutual respect across partisan lines, as reported by AFP. Currently serving as foreign minister, Wadagni is the designated successor of President Patrice Talon, who is stepping down after two consecutive five‑year terms. The election follows a turbulent period marked by a foiled coup in late 2025, which was suppressed with the aid of Nigerian forces. Out of an electorate of nearly 8 million eligible voters, early voting proceeded at a modest pace, according to Al Jazeera correspondent Ahmed Idris reporting from Cotonou. Hounkpe’s campaign highlighted that despite a robust 7.5% GDP growth in 2024, the benefits have not sufficiently improved living standards, pointing to persistent poverty rates exceeding 30% and limited trickle‑down of economic gains. In contrast, Wadagni pledged to focus on essential services such as water access, expanded social security, and improved healthcare, positioning himself as a continuity candidate for the ruling coalition. The finance minister, who previously led the polls, was widely expected to prevail after the main opposition party, the Democrats, failed to nominate a candidate and declined to endorse Hounkpe. The Democrats also fell short of the 20% threshold needed for parliamentary representation in the January 2026 elections, securing only about 16% of the vote. Security concerns loom large for the incoming administration. The northern region continues to grapple with insurgent activity from the al‑Qaeda affiliate Jama’at Nusrat al‑Islam wal‑Muslimin (JNIM), which has inflicted heavy casualties on the military, including an attack last year that killed 54 soldiers and another incident in March that claimed 15 lives. These challenges are compounded by broader instability across the Sahel, where a succession of coups in neighboring states such as Burkina Faso, Niger, and Mali has heightened regional volatility. While Wadagni’s ascent promises policy continuity, the new president will need to address both the security vacuum in the north and the socioeconomic gap that leaves a third of Benin’s population in poverty despite recent economic growth.

Islamabad transformed into a security zone on Saturday as the city imposed a lockdown, sealing roads, establishing checkpoints, and deploying over 10,000 security personnel ahead of the anticipated US‑Iran ceasefire talks. The Iranian delegation arrived quietly late on Friday night, traveling through Balochistan before a Pakistani Air Force aircraft switched off its call sign. By the next afternoon, the American team touched down at Nur Khan Air Base, a site India once claimed was damaged during last year’s brief conflict. On the tarmac, three distinctive tail fins—one American, two Iranian—caught the eye, a subtle reminder of the region’s reliance on symbolism. Both delegations were escorted along pre‑cleared routes to the Serena Hotel, which had been emptied and secured days earlier, turning the former luxury venue into a tightly controlled diplomatic arena. This marked the first direct, high‑level engagement between post‑revolution Iran and the United States on foreign soil. Clashing worldviews in the negotiation room Inside, the talks juxtaposed an American “peace through strength” stance with Iran’s “resistance with dignity” perspective. Pakistani Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif warned the night before that the meeting was a make‑or‑break moment for lasting peace. Iran’s chief negotiator, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, set pre‑conditions: any dialogue required progress on a Lebanon ceasefire—where Israel’s campaign has killed over 2,000 people—and the unfreezing of Iranian assets held abroad, which have crippled Tehran’s economy. Within hours of arrival, bilateral side‑talks began, offering a tentative thaw for Pakistani officials facilitating the process. Although previous rounds in Muscat, Vienna, Geneva and Abu Dhabi suffered from deep mistrust, this was the first occasion that the United States’ vice‑president JD Vance and Iran’s parliamentary speaker Ghalibaf faced each other face‑to‑face. Pakistan’s strategic mediating role Pakistan leveraged its unique position—close ties to Gulf states, a shared border with Iran, proximity to the Strait of Hormuz, and a strategic partnership with China—while not hosting US military bases. This allowed Islamabad to engage all parties without overt alignment. The marathon 21‑hour session Officials described the talks as continuous yet uneven. The first session lasted under two hours, followed by a brief procedural pause during which dinner was served but informal discussions continued. Subsequent rounds involved multiple draft exchanges and rapid redrawing of red lines, with constant communication to Washington—including President Donald Trump—and Tehran. Pakistani leaders, including Prime Minister Sharif, Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, and Army Chief Asim Munir, worked around the clock, aiming not for a final pact but for a framework to prevent further escalation. Why the talks stalled As the session entered its final phase, the United States signaled an abrupt end. JD Vance summed up the outcome: “We had substantive discussions, but no agreement.” He emphasized the US demand for an affirmative, long‑term commitment from Iran not to pursue nuclear weapons, describing Washington’s proposal as its “final and best offer.” Iran’s ambassador in Islamabad framed the meeting as “not an event, but a process,” claiming it laid groundwork for future dialogue, while state‑affiliated outlets criticized the US stance as overly demanding. A senior Iranian foreign‑ministry spokesperson noted that, for Tehran, diplomacy is a continuation of its broader struggle, and any progress hinges on the other side’s “seriousness and good faith.” Pakistan’s cautious post‑talk posture Finance Minister Dar thanked both sides and pledged continued facilitation, avoiding any claim of victory or admission of failure. Behind the scenes, officials acknowledged pressure from multiple fronts—including Israel, whose prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu is perceived by some sources as a major obstacle to peace. Aftermath in Islamabad The city did not immediately revert to normal; security checkpoints and traffic diversions persisted, and the Serena Hotel remained under tight control. Journalists reported a disciplined environment with limited leaks, suggesting a deliberate effort to contain information. As the delegations departed, the door on diplomatic engagement remained open, albeit without a concrete agreement. The talks, though inconclusive, demonstrated that high‑level US‑Iran dialogue is possible under Pakistan’s mediation, preserving a channel that could prove pivotal in future regional negotiations.

A French court has fined Lafarge, a French cement maker, more than €1m (£870,000) and sentenced its former boss, Bruno Lafont, to six years in prison for paying protection money to Islamic State and other terror groups to maintain its business in war-torn Syria from 2013 to 2014.The ruling follows a 2022 case in the United States in which Lafarge pleaded guilty to conspiring to provide material support to US-designated “terrorist” organisations and agreed to pay a $778m fine (£580m). This was the first time a company had faced the charge.The Paris court found that Lafarge, which is now part of the Swiss conglomerate Holcim, paid nearly €5.6m via its subsidiary Lafarge Cement Syria (LCS) to terror groups and intermediaries to keep its plant operating in northern Syria.The company’s former chief executive, Bruno Lafont, was sentenced to six years in prison for financing terrorism, which a judge ordered him to start serving immediately. Lafont’s lawyer said he would appeal.The presiding judge, Isabelle Prevost-Desprez, said: “This method of financing terrorist organisations, and primarily IS, was essential in enabling the terrorist organisation to gain control of Syria’s natural resources, allowing it to finance terrorist acts within the region and those planned abroad, particularly in Europe.”Lafarge established a “genuine commercial partnership with IS”, she said, which added to the “extreme gravity of the offences”.Lafarge had finished building a $680m factory in Jalabiya in 2010, just before Syria’s civil war erupted in March the following year amid opposition to the brutal repression of anti-government protests by the then president, Bashar al-Assad.While other multinational companies left Syria in 2012, Lafarge evacuated only its expatriate employees and left its Syrian staff in place until September 2014, when IS seized control of the factory.In 2013 and 2014, LCS paid intermediaries to access raw materials from the Islamic State organisation and other groups and to allow free movement for the company’s trucks and employees. It paid groups including Islamic State and Syria’s then al-Qaida affiliate Jabhat al-Nusra.

According to the latest Tottenham Hotspur financial statements, former executive chair Daniel Levy received £5.76 million in remuneration for the year ending 30 June 2025. That figure represents a 54% increase on his 2024 earnings and, as noted by football‑finance analyst Kieran Maguire, made him the highest‑paid director in the Premier League for the season. In stark contrast, the club’s women’s team—comprising 64 players and staff—had a combined salary and bonus total of £3.73 million, a 23% rise from the previous year. After accounting for social security and pension contributions, the overall wage bill reached £4.3 million, with an average annual earnings of roughly £58,000 per employee. This places Tottenham Women below several WSL rivals that have disclosed their 2024‑25 accounts, such as Brighton (£5 million), Manchester United (£5.88 million), and Arsenal (£11.3 million), but above Liverpool (£3.12 million). The women’s side recorded a post‑tax loss of £2.83 million, marginally higher than the £2.73 million loss reported in 2024. The deficit persisted despite a notable surge in commercial revenue, which more than doubled from £1.46 million to £3.34 million. Broadcast income remained static at £267,414, while prize‑money earnings fell by approximately £600,000. On the pitch, Tottenham Women finished the 2024‑25 campaign in 11th place in the Women’s Super League. However, the current 2025‑26 season shows a marked turnaround, with the team sitting fifth with three matches remaining and having nearly doubled their league victories compared with the previous term. Sources indicate that an internal review has repositioned women’s football as a strategic priority for the club, a shift that is expected to be reflected in the forthcoming 2025‑26 accounts.

The ongoing global finance talks between the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank Group (WBG) have taken a contentious turn. Governments are being urged not to mention climate change, despite its growing impacts and the pressing need for climate finance.The climate crisis has significant implications for developing countries, which are already paying billions to repair damage from droughts, floods, and storms. The World Bank Group aims to devote 35% of its funding to climate-related activities, but US pressure may hinder these efforts.US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has demanded the removal of some climate finance targets from the World Bank's aims, insisting on an 'all-of-the-above approach to energy' that includes financing for gas, oil, and coal. This move has sparked alarm among other countries, including large developed economies.Experts warn that sidelining climate change discussions would be disastrous for the developing world. Mohamed Adow, director of the Power Shift Africa thinktank, described the situation as 'beyond absurd', emphasizing that fossil fuels and the climate emergency are inextricably linked.The World Bank is the biggest single source of climate funding, and many donor countries channel their climate finance largely through the multilateral development banks. At the Cop29 UN climate summit in Azerbaijan in 2024, countries agreed that at least $1.3tn a year should flow to the developing world by 2035 to help countries cut greenhouse gas emissions and cope with the impacts of extreme weather.Lord Stern, a former World Bank chief economist, suggested that much could still be achieved without formally labelling projects as climate-related, emphasizing that investing in low-carbon infrastructure and energy systems is crucial for sustainable development.

While the two‑week pause in the US‑Israel campaign against Iran remains uncertain, one constant is clear: Donald Trump lacks a concrete plan, but Benjamin Netanyahu does. The war’s stated aim – to cripple Iran’s state capacity – is only a stepping stone toward a larger vision of a Greater Israel. For Israel’s right‑wing, the phrase often evokes a purely territorial ambition: enlarging the land Israel claims. History shows this expansionist drive has repeatedly displaced Palestinians, a process that has accelerated dramatically in recent years. Since the war began, Israel has flattened Gaza, killing tens of thousands and reducing the civilian‑inhabitable area to roughly 12 % of its pre‑war size. In the West Bank, a wave of settlement expansion and property destruction rivals the scale of the 1967 conflict. Beyond the occupied territories, Israel has seized parts of Syria and is forging a de‑facto occupation zone in southern Lebanon, with ministers from Religious Zionism, Jewish Power and Likud openly demanding Israeli sovereignty there. Finance minister Bezalel Smotrich even called for an expansion “to Damascus,” and Netanyahu has publicly expressed a deep personal connection to this territorial vision. However, Greater Israel is as much a geopolitical and strategic construct as a land‑grab. Netanyahu’s ambition extends beyond occupying borders; he seeks a regional dominion built on new alliances and hard‑power dependencies. After the October 7 attacks and the ensuing Gaza devastation, Israel’s prospects for Arab‑state normalization stalled. Faced with a choice between a conciliatory approach and a zero‑sum rejection of a Palestinian future, Netanyahu chose the latter, aiming to eliminate Iran as a regional counterweight – a move that inevitably required massive US military involvement. Former Israeli security analysts note that, from the perspective of Sunni Gulf states, a weakened Iran would elevate Israel to the role of “dominant regional power.” Achieving this, according to the article, also means softening the Gulf Cooperation Council (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, UAE) and making them dependent on Israel for security and energy routes. The spill‑over of Iranian drone and missile attacks on GCC infrastructure is portrayed not as an accident but as a calculated element of Israel’s strategy. When the US‑Israel coalition struck Iranian energy sites, Iran retaliated against the Gulf, disrupting global oil flows through the Strait of Hormuz. Netanyahu seized the moment to propose “alternative routes” – oil and gas pipelines that would bypass Hormuz and Bab‑al‑Mandab, ending at Israeli Mediterranean ports. In a meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Netanyahu outlined a “hexagon of alliances” linking India, Arab nations, African states, Greece, Cyprus and other Asian partners, positioning Israel as the central hub. Recent IDF strategy papers echo this, suggesting Israel could achieve “operational control” far beyond its borders without permanent occupation, likening the Middle East to a “jungle” where Israel would become the “queen.” Netanyahu now describes Israel not merely as a “regional superpower” but, in some contexts, as a “global superpower.” He promises the hexagonal alliance will confront a “radical Shia axis” and an “emerging radical Sunni axis,” with Turkey singled out as the next strategic threat. Dismissal of the Greater Israel rhetoric as wartime hyperbole would be misleading. The article warns that a permanent war‑oriented mindset permeates Israel’s political elite, security establishment and media, posing a risk of overreach and regional blowback. Containing this expansive vision may become one of the most pressing post‑war challenges for the Middle East.

Rising energy costs stemming from the Iran war are set to deliver a sharp blow to British living standards, with the Resolution Foundation estimating that the average working‑age household could lose about £480 in income this year. Before the conflict began, the think‑tank projected a modest 0.9% rise in household earnings. Market‑driven energy price spikes have now pushed that forecast into a -0.6% decline, effectively turning a gain into a loss. Oil and gas markets have reacted dramatically: Brent crude has surged back above $100 per barrel (£74), while analysts such as JPMorgan Chase expect prices to stay elevated through the current quarter, with Goldman Sachs revising its Brent outlook to an average of $90 per barrel in Q2. For the poorest fifth of households, the outlook is equally grim. Expected income growth has been trimmed from 2.8% to 1.2%, despite a long‑overdue real‑terms increase in benefits for some low‑income families. Families with three or more children stand out as a relative bright spot. The abolition of the two‑child limit is projected to generate a 7.7% income boost for this group, contrasting with zero growth for poorer families with fewer children. Energy bills are also poised to climb this summer, erasing the £117 average savings households enjoyed after the regulator lowered the energy price cap in April, according to Jonathan Marshall, the foundation’s principal economist. In response, the Resolution Foundation is urging the UK government to fast‑track a social tariff before winter, aiming to shield the most vulnerable households from the worst of the price shock. James Smith, chief economist at the foundation, warned that “while hopes for sustained peace persist, the path of this conflict remains uncertain and energy prices stay well above pre‑war levels, meaning many households face a decline in purchasing power this year.” He added that “de‑escalation is welcome, but the damage to household finances is already largely done; the government should act now to prepare a social tariff that reaches households falling through the cracks this winter.”

Polls have closed in Benin, with Finance Minister Romuald Wadagni expected to emerge victorious in the presidential election. Wadagni received the endorsement of former President Patrice Talon, who is stepping down after two five-year terms.Nearly eight million voters were eligible to cast ballots on Sunday to choose a successor to Talon. Wadagni, 49, faces a crucial factor in voter turnout after a lackluster campaign affected by voter apathy.In Benin’s largest city, Cotonou, vote counting began late on Sunday afternoon, with provisional results expected on Tuesday. Wadagni is being challenged by Paul Hounkpe, an opposition figure whose campaign has needed help from majority lawmakers to gain parliamentary endorsements.Under Talon, Benin has experienced rapid growth, with gross domestic product (GDP) doubling during his decade in power and numerous infrastructure projects completed. However, a wealth gap remains, and the winner of the vote will also face challenges with insecurity, particularly in the north of the country.The north of Benin has increasingly experienced violence from armed fighters from the Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), an al-Qaeda affiliate that has spilled over from the Sahel region.

Benin is voting in its presidential election, with long-serving Finance Minister Romuald Wadagni poised to win in the absence of a major challenger. Polls opened at 7am (06:00 GMT) on Sunday and will close at 4pm (15:00 GMT).More than 7.9 million people are registered to vote, including 62,000 in the diaspora. Wadagni, a 49-year-old former Deloitte executive, is backed by the two main parties in the governing coalition and the outgoing president, Patrice Talon.Wadagni is being challenged by Paul Hounkpe, an opposition figure and former culture minister, whose campaign has been low-key. The new president will have to address major challenges, including a huge gap between the poor and well-off, with the poverty rate estimated at more than 30 percent.Benin’s economic growth will also depend on improving security and stabilising the country, particularly in the north where JNIM, an al-Qaeda affiliate, has made major gains. Wadagni has promised to deliver on bread-and-butter issues like expanding access to potable water and guaranteeing emergency healthcare.Provisional results are expected on Tuesday, with many people expressing concerns about the election process. Some voters have spoken of the presidential election as a formality and urged Wadagni to deliver on his platform, including promoting job opportunities for young people and improving security in the north.