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In the midst of ongoing conflict between Iran, the US, and Israel, a beacon of hope and joy has emerged at the Children's Medical Center in Tehran. The hospital, operating under the Tehran University of Medical Sciences, has become a sanctuary for young patients and their families, providing a much-needed respite from the stress and anxiety of war.On Thursday, families across Iran celebrated Sizdah Bedar, or Nature Day, marking the 13th day of Nowruz, the Persian New Year. While many gathered at Pardisan Park in Tehran to spend time with loved ones, a group of doctors and healthcare providers at the Children's Medical Center worked tirelessly to create a joyful experience for children who could not join in due to illness.Resident doctors and interns have been pooling their own resources and relying on donations to organise activities for the children. The hospital, which has not been impacted by strikes unlike some other medical facilities in Tehran, has seen a decline in patient numbers due to the war, with some parents opting to take their children to paediatric facilities in other cities perceived as safer.Dr. Samaneh Kavousi, one of the organisers, emphasised the importance of providing relief to children and their families, stating, 'We've been trying to do what we can to relieve some of that anxiety.' The hospital's efforts have included art therapy, music, and play activities, as well as distributing fun bags filled with toys and food.Despite the challenges posed by the war, the hospital remains prepared to quickly bounce back to normal activity levels when the conflict ends. Dr. Zeynab Aalihaghi, another resident organiser, noted that the facility faces no shortage of medicine at the moment and hopes to continue helping children and their families.As the war continues, the Children's Medical Center in Tehran stands as a testament to the resilience and dedication of healthcare personnel and the importance of providing hope and joy to those affected by conflict.

NASA's Artemis II mission has successfully launched, marking a significant milestone in space exploration. The mission, which launched on Wednesday, is the first crewed mission to the moon's vicinity since the Apollo program ended in 1972.The 322-foot Space Launch System (SLS) rocket lifted off at 6:35pm ET (22:35 GMT) from Cape Canaveral, Florida, sending the Orion crew capsule on a 10-day journey around the moon and back to Earth.The crew, consisting of NASA astronauts Reid Wiseman, Victor Glover, and Christina Koch, along with Canadian astronaut Jeremy Hansen, will follow a 'free-return' trajectory that swings around the moon to prove the spacecraft can sustain a crew on future missions.The mission plan includes high Earth orbit checks, a translunar injection to propel the spacecraft towards the moon, and a lunar flyby on April 6. The spacecraft will reach its closest approach to the moon, approximately 4,000-6,000 miles (6,450-9,650km) above the lunar surface.After the flyby, the crew will conduct deep-space science and medical monitoring before re-entering Earth's atmosphere and splashing down in the Pacific Ocean on April 10.NASA's next mission, Artemis III, is currently planned for 2027 and will involve the Orion spacecraft docking with a lunar lander in Earth orbit.

For the first time, the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust (JRCT) is creating a dedicated reparations role, appointing Prof. Keon West—a Rhodes Scholar and author of The Science of Racism—to lead the effort. West, who also serves as a visiting professor at the London School of Economics and heads research at the Runnymede Trust, will begin his tenure later this month. The appointment arrives amid intensifying global calls for former colonial powers to confront historic injustices. West’s mandate is to map how enslavement, indentured labour and European imperialism fed the supply chains of Rowntree’s iconic brands such as KitKat, Fruit Pastilles and Smarties. Founded in 1904 when philanthropist Joseph Rowntree endowed the trust with profits from his chocolate and cocoa ventures, JRCT operates on Quaker principles aimed at tackling the roots of inequality. Recent research, spurred by the Black Lives Matter movement, uncovered that African and Asian workers were exploited in Rowntree’s production lines throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. Historical investigations by the Rowntree Society revealed that, while the family never directly owned enslaved people, their businesses sold commodities produced by enslaved or unfree labour as far back as 1822. The company also benefitted from the indenture system, acquiring plantations in Dominica, Jamaica and Trinidad in the 1890s to grow cocoa, bananas and other crops. Further links to colonial exploitation include purchases of cocoa from Portuguese‑controlled São Tomé and Príncipe, as well as commercial interests in Nigeria, Ghana and apartheid‑era South Africa. In the early 1980s, Black workers at the South African subsidiary Wilson Rowntree faced harsh labour suppression. In 2021, JRCT issued a public apology, stating it was “deeply sorry” for its historical connections to “abhorrent practices” and acknowledging the lasting impact of these actions on systemic racism today. West will design a comprehensive reparations programme that engages directly with affected communities—“Black people, brown people and people of colour”—to develop long‑term restorative justice strategies. He said, "I am honoured to accept this role. It offers the power and the responsibility to make real, meaningful changes in the lives of those who have been exploited." JRCT chief executive Nicola Purdy expressed enthusiasm, noting that the reparations initiative aligns with the trust’s charitable purpose of promoting peace, equality, human rights and climate action. Financially, JRCT allocated £13.5 million in grants in 2025, supporting organisations that advance its core missions. In 2023, it contributed £10,000 to an all‑party parliamentary group advocating for a formal UK apology for slavery and colonisation. The Rowntree family, alongside fellow Quaker dynasties Fry and Cadbury, were central to the British confectionery trade during the colonial era. Their brand was later acquired by Nestlé in 1988, but the trust’s new reparations focus underscores a broader reckoning with the historical foundations of the industry.

Scientists have shed new light on the mating habits of octopuses, revealing that male octopuses use a specialized arm to detect female hormones and mate without visual contact.The arm, called the hectocotylus, is used to place a package of sperm inside the female's reproductive system. Researchers at Harvard University have found that this arm is a sensory organ, similar to a tongue, that can detect the female hormone progesterone.This allows the male to seek out and fertilize a mate, even if it cannot see its sexual partner. The study, published in the journal Science, shows that the arm is both a sensor and a mating organ, and that it plays a crucial role in the mating process.The researchers, led by Prof Nicholas Bellono, found that the arm can detect progesterone through receptors on its tip, and that this sensitivity is specific to progesterone and not other hormones.The study provides new insights into the evolution of sensory systems and the importance of chemical cues in mating behavior. It also highlights the complex and fascinating world of octopus biology, and the importance of continued research into the natural world.

When billionaire hedge‑fund manager Chris Rokos announced a £190 million contribution to the University of Cambridge, the move instantly became the largest single donation to any UK university in modern history. The funds will establish a new “school of government” aimed at bridging policy, science and emerging technologies. Rokos, a 55‑year‑old Oxford graduate, has amassed an estimated £2.6 billion fortune, primarily through his firm Rokos Capital Management (RCM), which he founded in 2015 after a high‑profile stint at Brevan Howard. RCM now oversees **over £22 billion** in assets, employs roughly 350 staff, and operates from offices in London, New York, Singapore and Abu Dhabi. In the most recent fiscal year ending March, Rokos paid himself nearly £500 million, according to Companies House filings, reflecting the firm’s strong performance amid volatile markets. Beyond finance, Rokos has kept a remarkably low public profile. He famously declined to provide a photograph when launching a £500 million fund in 2007, and he has avoided media attention despite owning one of England’s most expensive private residences. The £175 million refurbishment of the Grade I‑listed Tottenham House in Wiltshire – featuring a tennis pavilion, private cinema, basement squash court and a proposed “subterranean family link” to a pool house – has drawn local council scrutiny but stands as a tangible testament to his wealth. Rokos’s career trajectory began in banking at UBS and Goldman Sachs, moving to Credit Suisse where he was recruited by Alan Howard. He later joined the founding team of Brevan Howard in 2002, generating roughly $4 billion (≈£3 billion) in investor profits and about £600 million for himself before departing in 2012. His philanthropic philosophy emphasizes diversity of thought. In a video released by Cambridge, Rokos warned that a school populated only by “centrist, socially liberal” voices would be a failure, insisting on a broad spectrum of intellectual viewpoints. Earlier this year, RCM’s exploratory talks to bring former UK business secretary Peter Mandelson onto its advisory board collapsed after revelations about Mandelson’s connections to the late Jeffrey Epstein. Rokos also ranks among the UK’s biggest taxpayers and maintains a family office in Mayfair. A lingering legal dispute over a five‑year non‑compete clause with a former employer was settled out of court, clearing the way for his current venture. Overall, the record‑breaking Cambridge donation not only reshapes the university’s academic landscape but also underscores how hedge‑fund wealth is increasingly channeled into high‑impact philanthropy, blurring the lines between finance, education and public policy.

The United States Supreme Court issued an 8‑1 decision on Tuesday that invalidated Colorado’s law prohibiting “conversion therapy” for LGBTQ minors. The majority held that the ban infringed on the First Amendment’s free‑speech guarantees, arguing that even therapeutic dialogue falls under protected expression. Justice Elena Kagan wrote that when a state suppresses one side of a debate while supporting the other, the constitutional issue is “straightforward.” In contrast, Justice Neil Gorsuch emphasized that the First Amendment “stands as a shield against any effort to enforce orthodoxy in thought or speech.” Only Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson dissented, warning that the ruling “threatens to impair states’ ability to regulate the provision of medical care” and underscored the documented harms of conversion therapy to LGBTQ youth. Colorado’s 2019 statute barred any “practice or treatment” aimed at changing a child’s gender identity or sexual orientation, though it allowed discussion of religion, gender, and sexuality. No individual has yet been sanctioned under the law. The case was brought by Christian counselor Kaley Chiles, who argued that the ban prevented her from offering voluntary, faith‑based talk therapy, a position backed by the administration of former President Donald Trump. Approximately two dozen states have enacted similar bans, reflecting a growing consensus that conversion therapy is both ineffective and harmful. Scientific studies link the practice to higher rates of depression and suicidal ideation among LGBTQ individuals. Major medical associations have condemned it as a dangerous, discredited intervention. Advocates for LGBTQ rights criticized the Court’s ruling as a setback. Polly Crozier, director of family policy at GLAD Law, said, “This is a dangerous practice that has been condemned by every major medical association in the country. Today’s decision does not change the science, and it does not change the fact that conversion therapists who harm patients will still face legal consequences.” The decision is expected to make enforcement of existing bans more difficult, potentially prompting a wave of legal challenges in other jurisdictions that have sought to protect LGBTQ youth from conversion therapy.

Recent commentary on the Iran school bombing rightly challenges the knee‑jerk tendency to blame artificial intelligence for the tragedy. The deeper issue, however, lies in the emerging linguistic habit of labeling incidents as "AI errors," which subtly removes the human actors from the narrative.When responsibility is shifted from people to systems, moral accountability becomes vague. Human designers, authorisers and operators remain the decision‑makers, even if the technology automates the final act. Concealing this fact is not a technical flaw; it is a civic failure that hampers accountability.Beyond accelerating warfare, AI is fostering a subtler shift: using automation as an alibi. If public discourse cannot pinpoint who acted, the public cannot hold anyone to account.Critics also note that the language used to describe rogue AI agents—terms like “connived,” “lied,” or “cheated”—anthropomorphises machines and further obscures responsibility. As Dr. Felicity Mellor of Imperial College London observes, such phrasing assigns moral agency to large language models instead of the people who deploy them.Consider a hypothetical where a company releases high‑speed vehicles without functional brakes. We would not say the cars "connived" to cause accidents; we would blame the company’s reckless leadership. Similarly, if uncontrolled AI ever harms civilians, we must be able to hold technology firms and the governments that endorse them accountable, which requires clear attribution of moral agency in our language.Anthony LawtonMarket Harborough, LeicestershireDr. Felicity MellorDirector, Science Communication Unit, Imperial College London

Palantir’s claim that opposition to its NHS contract is driven by ideology was rebuked by Chi Onwurah, the Labour MP who chairs Parliament’s science, innovation and technology select committee. Onwurah said it is appropriate for ministers to explore a break‑clause option in the deal, underscoring the seriousness of the concerns raised. Louis Mosley, Palantir’s UK executive vice‑chair, had urged the government not to succumb to “ideologically motivated campaigners” as officials weighed a way out of a £330 million contract to deliver the Federated Data Platform (FDP) for NHS England. Ministers have now asked for advice on triggering the contract’s break clause amid growing scrutiny of Palantir’s expanding role in the public sector. The FDP is an AI‑enabled platform designed to integrate disparate health information across the NHS. Palantir already holds contracts with the Ministry of Defence, several police forces and the UK’s financial watchdog, the FCA. Onwurah’s cross‑party committee is set to publish its report in the coming weeks, covering the digital reorganisation of government services and the role of AI after a series of hearings that included experts, NHS leaders and representatives from companies such as Palantir. She identified three core issues: the manner in which the contract was awarded, the handling of patient data and the resulting trust deficit within the NHS, and the involvement of Peter Mandelson through his firm Global Counsel. “These are not fringe ideological concerns,” Onwurah told the Guardian. “They relate to contract transparency, vendor lock‑in, value for money and data security – matters that should concern everyone pushing the NHS towards digital transformation.” She added that the NHS’s post‑COVID fatigue and austerity‑driven burnout make any additional trust‑related resentment a significant barrier to progress. Onwurah noted that Palantir secured the contract after providing services to the NHS at a nominal cost – a tactic often used by large tech firms to position themselves as the most attractive government supplier. “It is right for the government to explore all options, including breaking the contract, given ongoing concerns about FDP uptake while Palantir remains at the helm,” she said. Liberal Democrat MP Martin Wrigley, also on the committee, urged the government to commission a new consortium of UK‑based tech experts to build a home‑grown NHS platform. During a previous committee appearance, Mosley accused British doctors of placing “ideology over patient interest” after they challenged the data‑processing contract. Speaking to the Times, Mosley warned that removing Palantir could jeopardise patient care and stall solutions to the NHS’s biggest challenges, arguing that the campaign against the firm would do more harm than good.

Coordinated strikes by United States and Israeli forces hit Tehran, Isfahan and several other Iranian cities on Tuesday, prompting widespread power outages and extensive damage to civilian sites. The Ministry of Energy confirmed that shrapnel from the raids ruptured a primary power‑transfer line, but the outage was restored within a few hours. Among the most critical targets was the Tofigh Darou pharmaceutical complex in the Karaj industrial zone. The facility, which supplies over 90% of Iran’s domestically produced medicines—including cancer and multiple‑sclerosis treatments—sustained heavy damage from multiple projectiles. In central Iran, Isfahan endured a barrage of heavy bunker‑buster bombs over a nearby mountainous area, likely aimed at military installations. The explosions triggered secondary blasts that illuminated the night sky and produced reverberating shockwaves across the city. North‑west of Tehran, in Zanjan, a building identified as the administrative department of the Hosseinieh Azam religious centre was struck, resulting in at least four fatalities and several injuries. Iranian authorities now claim that more than 2,000 people have been killed by US‑Israeli attacks since the conflict erupted on 28 February, with residential blocks, schools, hospitals and historic sites also affected. Additional targets this week included civilian nuclear facilities, major steel producers, petrochemical plants, and the Iran University of Science and Technology, where an imaging satellite was developed. A professor linked to Iran’s missile programme and his two children were assassinated at their home in northern Tehran. U.S. President Donald Trump reiterated threats to strike Iran’s oil and gas infrastructure, power plants and water‑desalination facilities. Despite the onslaught, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) continues to project defiance. A spokesperson for the Khatam al‑Anbiya Central Headquarters declared that Tehran’s adversaries are “humiliated and on the path of destruction,” while senior commander Ali Fadavi warned that American warships are vulnerable and allegedly transmit false transponder signals. The IRGC also released footage of ballistic missiles aimed at Israel and surrounding nations, and claimed to have downed two U.S. MQ‑9 Reaper drones, promising retaliatory strikes against technology firms linked to the United States and Israel. Domestically, the judiciary announced the execution of two members of the foreign‑based Mojahedin‑e‑Khalq (MEK) group, labeling them terrorists. This follows a series of recent executions tied to the January protests and broader dissent. Authorities also issued new indictments against roughly 200 individuals accused of assisting the U.S. and Israel, including alleged “mercenaries” who disseminated strike footage abroad. Penalties for national‑security offenses now encompass asset confiscation and capital punishment. President Masoud Pezeshkian convened his first cabinet meeting since the war’s onset in a makeshift, blue‑covered space, emphasizing that any peace negotiations will safeguard Iran’s “dignity, security and national interests.” Israel’s Channel 14 reported that Pezeshkian sought greater negotiating leverage with the United States, a request allegedly rebuffed by IRGC chief Ahmad Vahidi.