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The UK government's ambitious plans to create 400,000 green jobs by 2030 seem to be failing to deliver for young people in England's coastal communities. Despite being surrounded by offshore windfarms, 44% of the UK's offshore windfarms are located in the east of England, areas like Lowestoft and Great Yarmouth are struggling with high unemployment and limited job opportunities.Jake Snell, a 19-year-old from Lowestoft, is a prime example. With high grades in maths and physics A-levels, a distinction in BTEC engineering, and work experience at an engineering company, he seemed like the perfect candidate for a role in the green energy sector. However, out of his 14-person cohort, only two people ended up with apprenticeships, and only one of these was in engineering.Rachel Wilde, a social anthropologist at University College London, notes that the term 'green jobs' is nebulous and that there is little concrete evidence of what these jobs actually are. She argues that there is a gap between politicians and policymakers promoting green jobs and people on the ground trying to talk to young people about job opportunities.Avril Keating, a professor of youth studies at UCL, suggests that the focus on high-profile roles in green energy is misleading and that more investment in continuing careers support for people in coastal and economically deprived areas is urgently needed.The government has announced plans to establish five technical excellence colleges that will focus training around the green energy sector, which could provide hope for the next generation of young people in these areas. However, for now, many young people like Snell are struggling to find employment and are feeling frustrated and disillusioned with the lack of opportunities.

George Steinbrenner, the legendary owner of the New York Yankees, left an indelible mark on baseball during his tumultuous reign. Known as 'The Boss,' Steinbrenner purchased the Yankees in 1973 for $8.8 million and went on to build a dynasty that won seven World Series championships under his watch.Steinbrenner's tenure was marked by both remarkable success and controversy. He was suspended from baseball twice - once for illegal campaign contributions to Richard Nixon and again for paying a gambler to discredit Yankees star Dave Winfield. Despite these setbacks, Steinbrenner continued to shape the Yankees into a formidable team, with stars like Reggie Jackson and Derek Jeter leading the charge.The book, which draws from Vaccaro's extensive experience covering the Yankees, offers a nuanced portrayal of Steinbrenner's complex personality and his relationships with key figures like Billy Martin, who served as Yankees manager during five separate stints. Vaccaro also explores the contributions of other influential Yankees executives, including Gabe Paul and Gene 'Stick' Michael, who played crucial roles during Steinbrenner's periods of exile from baseball.Under Steinbrenner's leadership, the Yankees entered into lucrative partnerships, including the creation of the YES Network, and secured a new stadium, which has helped maintain the team's value at an estimated $7 billion to $10 billion. Despite the team's recent struggles, including a championship drought since 2009, Steinbrenner's legacy continues to shape the Yankees' identity and influence.Vaccaro notes that Yankees fans remain passionate and spoiled by the team's past successes, with some expressing concerns about the current leadership under Hal Steinbrenner, George's son, and the team's management, including Brian Cashman and Aaron Boone. However, Vaccaro suggests that the modern baseball landscape is inherently unpredictable, making it challenging for any team to sustain long-term dominance.

Iran's judiciary announced on Monday that the assets of Zahra Ghanbari, captain of the Iranian women's football team, have been released. This decision comes after Ghanbari initially sought asylum in Australia, only to later withdraw her claim and return to Iran. Ghanbari was among a group of six players and one backroom staff member who sought asylum in Australia in March, following their participation in the Women's Asian Cup. The move sparked controversy, particularly as it coincided with the escalating conflict between Iran, Israel, and the United States. Upon their return to Iran, Ghanbari and the other players were greeted as heroes in a special ceremony in central Tehran on March 19. The Iranian judiciary's decision to release Ghanbari's assets was made after she declared her innocence and changed her behavior. The release of Ghanbari's assets is significant, as Iranian authorities have been accused of pressuring athletes who compete abroad, threatening their families or seizing their property if they defect or make statements against the Islamic republic. Rights groups have repeatedly highlighted these concerns, citing cases where athletes have faced intimidation and coercion. In related developments, two Iranian women's footballers remain in Australia and have been training with the Brisbane Roar club. The controversy surrounding the team's asylum claims has unfolded against the backdrop of Iran's men's team preparing to play in the World Cup in the United States in June.

UEFA is expected to secure in excess of €1 billion (£870 million) annually from sponsorships linked to its club tournaments starting next season, a surge of over 40% that will lift the governing body’s total commercial income past the €6 billion mark.The commercial joint venture UC3 – jointly owned by UEFA and its clubs – is finalising two flagship agreements: an official payments processor and a technology partner. These contracts will complete a roster of premium global partners and underpin the projected revenue jump.Long‑term sponsorships have already been locked in. AB InBev will serve as UEFA’s official beer partner, committing €230 million per year—far above the €120 million reserve price—while Pepsi will extend its soft‑drink partnership for another six years, also exceeding the reserve threshold. Nike is currently in exclusive talks to replace Adidas as the match‑ball supplier.These sponsorship gains complement a booming TV‑rights market. Rights sales in the UK rose 20% and in Germany 30% last year, with further tenders underway across 21 territories. UEFA now projects annual TV‑rights valuations to top €5 billion, meaning the combined commercial haul will comfortably exceed €6 billion.Relevent Football Partners, the American agency appointed by UC3, has overhauled UEFA’s sales process, creating a new “elevated partners” tier that bundles commercial rights across all three UEFA club competitions. This package offers exposure across 531 matches per season, far surpassing the 189‑match footprint of the Champions League alone.The influx of cash will primarily benefit the elite clubs. UEFA currently allocates 74% of its prize fund and 56% of club‑competition revenue to Champions League participants, with the remainder split between Europa League (17%) and Conference League (9%). Seven clubs already received over €100 million in prize money last season, led by Paris Saint‑Germain’s €144.4 million haul.Such concentration of wealth has reignited debate over revenue distribution. The Union of European Clubs (UEC) has proposed a revised split of 50‑30‑20 among the three competitions, directing a larger share into domestic leagues rather than straight to clubs. However, given the influence of the biggest clubs within UC3, the proposal faces an uphill battle.UEFA and Relevent declined to comment on the negotiations.

National Gas announced that the United Kingdom will have enough gas to satisfy summer demand despite recent tensions in the Strait of Hormuz. The network, which runs the country’s gas pipelines, says domestic and Norwegian supplies will cover the low‑usage months, meaning liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports will be minimal this summer. The real challenge lies ahead. While renewable rollout is accelerating, gas will remain a core part of the UK’s energy mix for at least the next two decades. It accounts for about 37% of total gas consumption in 2024, with domestic heating being the largest single use. Replacing millions of boilers with heat pumps cannot happen quickly, especially given the current sluggish pace. Government plans for 2030 still require the full 35 GW of gas‑fired generation capacity to stay online as backup. Energy department data released in early 2025 showed gas demand “broadly stable” for the third consecutive year, representing roughly half of the nation’s 75.2% fossil‑fuel dependency. In the debate over new North Sea drilling licences, the key question is where future gas will come from. Oxford energy economist Sir Dieter Helm, speaking on a Chatham House podcast, warned that gas will dominate the energy supply for the next decade or two and that the cheapest, least polluting option is pipeline gas—not LNG. Analysis from Wood Mackenzie confirms this hierarchy. Pipeline gas from modern Norwegian platforms has the lowest carbon intensity, followed by UK North Sea pipelines. By contrast, LNG adds significant emissions during liquefaction and regasification, and US LNG is the most carbon‑intensive because much of it originates from shale gas with higher methane leakage. Wood Mackenzie’s import forecasts to 2045 paint a stark picture: if domestic production wanes, the UK could rely on US LNG for over 60% of its total gas supply by 2035. The firm notes that Middle‑East gas is geared toward Asian markets, while US cargoes are increasingly directed to Europe, raising concerns about over‑reliance on a single supplier. These projections underpin the argument for expanding UK North Sea extraction. More domestic drilling would reduce dependence on US LNG—a geopolitical risk given the United States’ tendency to use energy as a foreign‑policy lever—and would also lower the overall carbon footprint of the gas supply chain. Critics often claim that North Sea output is exported, so it does not improve national security. Two counter‑points are clear: first, gas delivered directly via pipeline to the UK network is inherently more secure than trans‑Atlantic cargoes; second, the UK could negotiate long‑term, fixed‑price contracts with producers, a model that worked well in the early days of North Sea development. None of this diminishes the importance of renewables and nuclear power. Electrification remains the long‑term goal, but gas will stay in the energy basket for years to come. Offshore Energies UK estimates that, with a pragmatic licensing approach, reliance on LNG could be limited to 6% of total gas supplies by 2035. Assuming political stalemate eases, the pending approval of the Jackdaw field—accounting for roughly 6% of current domestic production—could spark a more nuanced debate about the UK’s gas procurement strategy, moving beyond the simplistic “renewables vs. gas” narrative. Reflecting on the recent Iran‑UK conflict, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak highlighted the need for “secure, homegrown energy”. The logical follow‑up is twofold: accelerate electrification to cut gas demand, and while gas remains essential, avoid turning the UK into an “energy prisoner of the US”. Beyond the geopolitical and environmental benefits, expanding North Sea output would also support jobs, tax revenue, and the balance of payments.

The UK's National Energy System Operator (Neso) is set to launch a new initiative urging households to boost their consumption of renewable energy during periods of high production. This move aims to balance the power grid and reduce energy bills, which are expected to rise to almost £2,000 a year from July. Under the plan, households may be encouraged to run appliances like dishwashers and washing machines, or charge electric vehicles, during times when there is a surplus of wind and solar power. Energy suppliers may offer discounted or free electricity during these periods. The goal is to avoid making costly payments to turn off wind and solar farms when demand is low, which ultimately affects energy bills. This approach could prove popular as households face rising energy costs. Great Britain has recently set records for solar power and is expected to have a summer where the grid could run entirely on zero-carbon electricity. The country is also anticipated to be a net importer of electricity from continental Europe. The abundance of low-carbon electricity supplies poses a risk of grid overload on breezy summer weekends, potentially leading to unplanned blackouts. However, future grid upgrades and increased power consumption by electric vehicles and green technologies are expected to mitigate this issue. Businesses and manufacturers will also be able to increase their electricity demand during certain times in exchange for better rates. Additionally, the UK is expected to have sufficient gas supplies to meet its needs this summer, primarily relying on North Sea gas from Norway and the UK.

The Philippines has made a grave accusation against China, claiming that Chinese boats were found with cyanide near the disputed Second Thomas Shoal in the South China Sea. Laboratory tests confirmed the presence of the toxic substance in bottles seized by the Philippine navy last year. Security officials warned that the cyanide could have severe consequences for marine life and potentially weaken the reef that supports a warship Manila grounded on the atoll to reinforce its maritime claim. The use of cyanide is seen as a form of sabotage aimed at killing local fish populations and depriving navy personnel of a vital food source. Cornelio Valencia, spokesperson for the National Security Council, emphasized that the cyanide could damage the reef and compromise the stability of the warship. In response, China's Foreign Ministry dismissed the Philippines' assertions as a 'stunt,' accusing Manila of illegally harassing Chinese fishing boats and staging the incident. The incident is part of a broader maritime dispute between China and the Philippines, with China claiming nearly all of the South China Sea, including areas claimed by other nations. The dispute has led to several confrontations, including a violent incident on June 17, 2024, where a Filipino sailor lost a finger. The Philippines also accused Chinese coastguard ships of firing water cannons at Filipino fishermen in December 2025, injuring three people and damaging two fishing vessels. Despite these tensions, China and the Philippines held high-level talks last month to explore preliminary steps towards oil and gas cooperation and confidence-building measures at sea. However, the Philippine Foreign Ministry noted that the scope of coastguard cooperation would be limited and did not include joint patrols. The South China Sea is a critical waterway, with over $3 trillion in annual ship-borne commerce traveling through it. A 2016 ruling by an international arbitral tribunal found China's sweeping claims had no basis under international law, a decision China rejects.

Energy prices in the United States have continued to surge, even after President Donald Trump's administration issued a 60-day waiver of the Jones Act, a maritime law that restricts foreign-flagged vessels from transporting goods between US ports.The waiver, which came into effect on March 18, was intended to alleviate pressure on energy supplies by allowing more foreign vessels to transport goods domestically. However, experts say the impact on oil prices has been negligible, with oil prices rising 4 percent on the day amid a US blockade of Iranian ports.“It is estimated that it’s going to be about 3 cents on the East Coast and it might go up on the Gulf Coast, but these changes are so small that they’re overshadowed by the spikes in oil prices, and the oil prices keep going up,” said Usha Haley, a professor of management at Wichita State University.The Containerized Freight Index, a benchmark for shipping container costs, has jumped more than 10 percent over the last month and is up more than 35 percent from this time last year. The average price of gas in the US has also increased to $4.125 per gallon, up from $3.63 at this time last month.Despite the waiver, shippers have adapted their routes, with more than 34,000 ships diverting from the Strait of Hormuz over the past month. Major vessel insurers have also cancelled war risk coverage for ships travelling through the waterway, dissuading ship owners from going through the Gulf.Experts predict that fuel prices will only normalise once traffic through the strait returns to pre-war levels. The ongoing conflict and disruptions to transit through the Strait of Hormuz have contributed to the sustained high energy prices.

Benin’s presidential contest is tilting decisively toward the incumbent government’s nominee, Romuald Wadagni, after his only challenger, Paul Hounkpe of the Cowry Forces for an Emerging Benin party, publicly acknowledged defeat on national television. Hounkpe’s concession, aired on Monday, included a call for “republican congratulations” and a reminder that democratic health depends on mutual respect across partisan lines, as reported by AFP. Currently serving as foreign minister, Wadagni is the designated successor of President Patrice Talon, who is stepping down after two consecutive five‑year terms. The election follows a turbulent period marked by a foiled coup in late 2025, which was suppressed with the aid of Nigerian forces. Out of an electorate of nearly 8 million eligible voters, early voting proceeded at a modest pace, according to Al Jazeera correspondent Ahmed Idris reporting from Cotonou. Hounkpe’s campaign highlighted that despite a robust 7.5% GDP growth in 2024, the benefits have not sufficiently improved living standards, pointing to persistent poverty rates exceeding 30% and limited trickle‑down of economic gains. In contrast, Wadagni pledged to focus on essential services such as water access, expanded social security, and improved healthcare, positioning himself as a continuity candidate for the ruling coalition. The finance minister, who previously led the polls, was widely expected to prevail after the main opposition party, the Democrats, failed to nominate a candidate and declined to endorse Hounkpe. The Democrats also fell short of the 20% threshold needed for parliamentary representation in the January 2026 elections, securing only about 16% of the vote. Security concerns loom large for the incoming administration. The northern region continues to grapple with insurgent activity from the al‑Qaeda affiliate Jama’at Nusrat al‑Islam wal‑Muslimin (JNIM), which has inflicted heavy casualties on the military, including an attack last year that killed 54 soldiers and another incident in March that claimed 15 lives. These challenges are compounded by broader instability across the Sahel, where a succession of coups in neighboring states such as Burkina Faso, Niger, and Mali has heightened regional volatility. While Wadagni’s ascent promises policy continuity, the new president will need to address both the security vacuum in the north and the socioeconomic gap that leaves a third of Benin’s population in poverty despite recent economic growth.