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At the start of 2026 Pakistan was sitting on a surplus of imported liquefied natural gas (LNG). Three consecutive years of falling demand – from a peak of 8.2 million tonnes in 2021 to 6.1 million tonnes by late 2025 – were driven by cheap solar panels and reduced industrial activity. The government responded by quietly selling excess cargoes abroad and shutting down domestic wells to avoid over‑pressurising pipelines. Any gas that could not be diverted would have been pushed into household networks at a loss, adding billions to the sector’s crippling debt. Everything changed on 28 February when the United States and Israel launched the "Epic Fury" operation against Iran. The strikes killed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and targeted missile sites, air defences and military infrastructure. Iran retaliated with hundreds of missiles and drones, choking traffic through the Strait of Hormuz – a chokepoint for roughly 20 % of global oil and gas. As part of its retaliation, Iranian drones hit Qatar’s Ras Laffan Industrial City on 2 March, the world’s largest LNG export hub. Qatar, the second‑largest LNG exporter after the United States, declared force majeure and halted all production, releasing it from contractual delivery obligations. The fallout was immediate. Qatar’s forced shutdown cut its LNG output by 17 % and disrupted the supply chain that fuels Pakistan, which sources almost all of its imported gas from Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Pakistan’s LNG arrivals plummeted from 12 shipments in January to just two in March. Monthly cargo data from the Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (OGRA) show that the country received between eight and twelve shipments a month through 2025, but only two arrived after the conflict began. Price pressure followed. On 13 February state‑owned Pakistan State Oil and Pakistan LNG Limited bought eight cargoes at an average of $10.47 per MMBtu (totaling $257.1 million). By 12 March the two cargoes that did arrive cost $12.49 per MMBtu – a 19 % increase in just one month. Long‑term contracts have left Pakistan with little flexibility. Two government‑to‑government agreements with Qatar, spanning 15 and 10 years, commit the country to nine shipments a month. Even as domestic demand fell – LNG’s share of Asian markets dropped from ~30 % in 2020 to ~18 % in 2025 – the contracts remained binding. Solarisation has been a double‑edged sword. By 2025 Pakistan installed 34 GW of solar capacity, with about 25 GW feeding the national grid, driving an 11 % decline in overall electricity demand between 2022 and 2025. Gas‑fired power plants built for imported LNG are now under‑utilised, especially during daylight hours. Analysts warn that the surplus was predictable. “Pakistan’s energy planning has been locked into long‑term contracts with little room for adjustment,” says Haneea Isaad of the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA). The resulting circular debt now stands at 3.3 trillion rupees (≈ $11 billion), and the government is negotiating to off‑load 177 unwanted shipments worth $5.6 billion through 2031. With Qatar’s LNG shipments effectively halted, the country faces a potential shortfall of more than 21 % of its power generation capacity. The National Electric Power Regulatory Authority confirmed that LNG supplies are under force majeure, while coal imports from South Africa and Indonesia continue. To mitigate the gap, Pakistan is reviving domestic gas production that had been throttled during the surplus period. Roughly 350–400 million cubic feet per day of domestic gas were previously held back for LNG imports, now being released to the grid. Nevertheless, analysts caution that even with restored domestic gas, imported coal and hydropower, “the energy shortage may persist, especially during the peak summer months.” Summer pressure is already building. The State of Industry Report 2025 recorded peak electricity demand of over 33,000 MW last summer, while winter demand sits around 15,000 MW, helped by solar generation of 9,000–10,000 MW daily. Furnace oil, the primary backup fuel, now costs 35 rupees per unit (≈ $0.12), more than double since the Strait of Hormuz disruption. Consumers with grid electricity face higher bills and possible outages; industrial users reliant on gas risk production cuts; those equipped with rooftop solar and battery storage are best insulated. “Returning to the spot market is unlikely given Pakistan’s dire financial position, and competing with wealthier nations would price the country out,” Isaad warns. “The realistic outcome may be planned load‑shedding of two to three hours daily.”

The conflict between Iran, the United States, and Israel has escalated on day 35, with the US and Israel widening their attacks on Iranian infrastructure. The strikes have targeted a century-old medical research centre in Tehran, steel plants, and a bridge near the capital, which Iran claims was civilian infrastructure.The human toll continues to rise, with at least 2,076 people killed and 26,500 wounded in Iran since the start of the US-Israeli attacks. Iran's Foreign Ministry reports that more than 600 schools and education centres have been hit since February 28.Iran's military has vowed to continue the war until its enemies face 'humiliation' and 'surrender', warning the US against a ground invasion. The Iranian Foreign Ministry has stated that it is ready for any type of attack, including a ground attack.In a significant development, US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has abruptly fired the US Army's top general and two other senior officers, sparking speculation of a wartime leadership shake-up.The conflict has also drawn in other countries, with Pakistan pushing for US-Iran talks and the United Kingdom holding talks with about 40 countries on reopening the Strait of Hormuz, which carries about 20 percent of the world's oil and LNG. The US has lost 13 service members in combat and two to noncombat causes, with more than 200 injured.In Israel, sirens have become 'part of life', with residents repeatedly heading to shelters, especially in the Tel Aviv area. The conflict has also intensified along the northern front, with Hezbollah carrying out 60 military operations against Israel in 24 hours.

Kuwait has been hit by Iranian missile and drone strikes, targeting a crucial power and desalination plant, as well as the Mina al-Ahmadi oil refinery. The attacks, which occurred on Friday, have raised concerns about the stability of the region and the potential for further escalation. The power and desalination plant was struck before midday local time, with the extent of the damage still unknown. The plant is critical for Kuwait's water supply, as the country is highly dependent on desalinated water. An Indian national was killed in a similar attack on March 30, and Iran denied claims it launched the attacks, blaming Israel instead. The Mina al-Ahmadi oil refinery, one of the largest in the Middle East, was targeted in early morning drone strikes, resulting in fires in several operational units. No employees were injured, but emergency and firefighting teams were dispatched to the scene, and environmental authorities monitored the area for air quality. The attacks are part of a broader escalation of tensions in the Gulf region, with Iran launching retaliatory strikes against US and Israeli targets. The United Arab Emirates' defence ministry reported that it had intercepted 19 ballistic missiles and 26 drones on Thursday alone, while Saudi Arabia destroyed a drone in its airspace overnight. Iran's army spokesperson warned of impending attacks on regional power plants, while US President Donald Trump warned of intensifying strikes on Iran's infrastructure. The situation remains volatile, with concerns about the potential for further attacks and the impact on regional stability.

At the Oxford Brookes Headington campus, a group of over 100 students are working tirelessly to build the fastest and best-designed race car possible for this year’s Formula Student competition.The Oxford Brookes Racing (OBR) team, the UK’s most prestigious Formula Student team, has won more design awards than any other UK university and frequently secures top spots in the international race held annually at Silverstone.Success in the competition is crucial as it gets the team noticed by the industry, where a handful of engineering jobs can have upwards of 10,000 applicants. Several OBR alumni are currently working in every Formula One team.“A lot of the coverage on TV is based around the drivers, but not really the actual engineers,” said Thomas Cawdery, a team manager and third-year motorsports technology student. “This is what you don’t see in Formula One. The engineers who make it happen.”The OBR team is entirely run by students and operates out of two buildings, where scores of people are working hard – cutting and shaping carbon fibre chassis by hand, and running simulations on computers. Students of all ages are teaching and learning from one another.While actual Formula One cars have much more power than the students are allowed for safety reasons, the complexity of the cars is very similar. “They’re the same if not more complex than Formula One cars,” Cawdery said.The OBR team surpasses industry expectations in some aspects, particularly in terms of gender balance. Unlike most Formula One teams, where only about 10% of engineers are women, OBR has a much better gender balance.Emma Deery, a first-year mechanical engineering student, finds the inclusive environment encouraging. “In the industry, a lot of women find themselves the only woman on their team. Here it’s different. We have a lot more women and a lot of women in leadership roles.”The OBR team will compete for the top spot this summer against 102 other teams from 27 countries. The competition is a useful recruitment tool for big industry names, as it showcases innovative engineering skills.Ross Brawn, the legendary former team principal, once said, “There are two really innovative forms of motorsport left. One of them is Formula One and the other one is Formula Student.”

Arsenal’s loss to Manchester City in the Carabao Cup final has haunted manager Mikel Arteta ever since the 2‑0 defeat at Wembley, where Nico O’Reilly scored both goals to crush the Gunners’ quadruple hopes.Artura described the aftermath as “a ball of poison in my stomach”, saying the feeling could linger for “the next 30 years” unless he channels it into improvement.He emphasized that the pain must be converted into motivation to secure silverware before the season ends, insisting the sting of the loss will remain a driving force for weeks, months and years to come.In the wake of the final, Arteta faced criticism for keeping Kepa Arrizabalaga in goal despite the keeper’s error that led to the first goal. The manager defended his choice, stating, “I never judge a player solely on an error; attitude and behaviour matter 100%.” He added that Arrizabalaga’s experience makes him ready for the upcoming FA Cup sixth‑round clash with Southampton.Artura also hinted at his selection criteria for the Southampton match, joking that the goalkeeper would be “European, under 32, right‑footed and speaks at least two languages.” While David Raya started the Carabao Cup final, the Spaniard is expected to feature again in the FA Cup run.Regarding squad availability, Arteta confirmed that Declan Rice is operating at only 70% fitness, a condition that has persisted for some time, and noted that Piero Hincapié and Noni Madueke will miss the Southampton game. He left open the possibility that Martin Ødegaard and Jurrien Timber could feature.Addressing criticism over the number of international withdrawals, Artura said, “It’s part of the narrative, but we’ve dealt with similar situations before; we’ll see who is available tomorrow and adjust accordingly.”

In a scene reminiscent of Henry James’s observation that the only certainty with a young American abroad is surprise, the current US president continues to bewilder European partners with erratic statements.President Trump has publicly ridiculed British Prime Minister Keir Starmer and the Royal Navy as feeble, mocked French President Emmanuel Macron over personal matters, urged allies to secure their own oil supplies, and declared that withdrawing the United States from NATO is "beyond reconsideration". These comments come as the conflict in Iran, ignited by Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, drags on without a clear resolution, fueling his domestic political anxieties.European officials responded not with shock but with weary irritation, noting that Trump’s unpredictability is now a permanent feature of US policy, steering the continent away from the liberal international order. Analysts warn that NATO’s credibility is eroding, turning the alliance into a "paper tiger" even as Russian President Vladimir Putin watches closely.Britain, hoping to serve as a diplomatic conduit between Washington and Brussels, finds its position increasingly precarious. Post‑Brexit economic vulnerabilities and the looming state visit of King Charles to the United States offer little strategic gain and risk becoming a diplomatic embarrassment.Prime Minister Starmer has deliberately avoided direct confrontation with Trump, instead pledging to deepen the United Kingdom’s economic and security ties with the European Union. This shift aims to reassure Labour factions leaning toward the Liberal Democrats and Greens, while also hoping that shared security concerns will coax European capitals into offering more robust economic support.In a world where traditional alliances are fraying, European leaders face mounting pressure to forge genuine security cooperation rather than merely increasing defence spending. The consensus is clear: delay is no longer an option for Europe to secure its own future.

On a cobbled lane in Belfast’s Cathedral Quarter, the Kindred of Ireland boutique draws shoppers with oversized butter‑yellow linen blouses and Donegal mulberry tweed jackets accented by rose‑pink linen bows, signalling a fresh commercial pulse for a fabric that once defined the city.Linen earned Belfast the nickname “Linenopolis” when, at its height, the industry employed about 40% of Northern Ireland’s workforce. After a post‑war collapse, the trade faded, but today it is re‑emerging as a marker of local identity and sustainable fashion.Designer Amy Anderson, whose grandmother worked as a mill‑hand in Moygashel, says the fibre remains deeply personal for many families. Her modern, Japanese‑inspired silhouettes rely on linen’s natural structure to balance avant‑garde volume with comfort.Reviving a near‑extinct industry is daunting, yet Belfast’s history of turning adversity into opportunity—exemplified by the Titanic Quarter’s tourism boom—has attracted an eclectic coalition of supporters. Among them are former blacksmith Charlie Mallon, who has converted his 150‑year‑old Magherafelt farm into a regenerative flax operation, and fashion heavyweight Sarah Burton, former creative director of Alexander McQueen.Mallon’s restoration of heritage machinery aims to keep flax “field‑to‑fibre” in Ireland, preserving the long fibre length that makes linen less prone to creasing. He contrasts this with most modern linen, which is “cottonised” in China, shortening fibres and increasing wrinkles.Burton’s two‑day field trip to Northern Ireland inspired the spring 2020 Alexander McQueen collection, featuring a beetled linen gown with a pearl‑like sheen that debuted on the Paris runway.In autumn, the Prince and Princess of Wales visited Mallon Farm, expressing a rare interest in sustainable fashion and regenerative agriculture. The Princess, who usually avoids media focus on her wardrobe, asked detailed questions about the Andersons’ brand, underscoring the royal endorsement of Belfast’s textile renaissance.The city’s fashion resurgence is also celebrated at the Ulster Museum’s “Ashes to Fashion” exhibition, which juxtaposes historic silk ballgowns with contemporary pieces by Irish designers, including Kindred of Ireland.Looking ahead, Kindred of Ireland plans a temporary boutique in central London, building on a successful six‑week Mayfair pop‑up that the brand describes as “commercial rocket fuel.” The Andersons note that Northern Irish firms benefit from full access to the UK market while still aligning with certain EU single‑market rules under the Windsor framework, offering a strategic advantage for product‑focused businesses.

When a loved one passes away while a care home still holds prepaid weeks, many families are told that the provider’s "policy" does not allow refunds. In one recent case, a family challenged this stance, discovered that the contract actually obligated the home to return the unused fees, and successfully secured a refund. The experience underscores a wider issue: care‑home operators often withhold money from bereaved families, banking on their grief and lack of legal knowledge. The author, forewarned by similar reports, enlisted a family lawyer who identified the contractual breach and drafted a decisive email that compelled the provider to comply. Importantly, the complaint was not about the quality of care. The writer notes a clear separation between the compassionate on‑site staff and the profit‑focused head office, suggesting that the latter may deliberately adopt a “no‑refund” stance as a revenue‑preserving tactic. Historically, the practice traces back to the privatisation of care homes under Margaret Thatcher. The original promise was that market competition would increase choice for residents while lowering public spending. In reality, the economics of private care demand near‑full occupancy to stay profitable, forcing operators to raise prices when referrals dip. This creates a paradox: the need for vacant beds to offer choice clashes with the profit motive to maximise occupancy, ultimately undermining the policy’s goals. For families navigating this landscape, the lesson is clear: scrutinise contracts and seek legal advice before accepting a provider’s blanket “no‑refund” policy. A vigilant approach can turn a potentially lost sum into a reclaimed right, and may pressure care‑home chains to rethink opaque refund practices.

Meanwhile, powerful blasts rocked northern Tehran, as Israel said it had launched a new wave of strikes on the Iranian capital and Beirut. The Associated Press also reported, citing an Israeli official, that Israel had suspended airstrikes in areas 'relevant' to the rescue operation in Iran.