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Islamabad transformed into a security zone on Saturday as the city imposed a lockdown, sealing roads, establishing checkpoints, and deploying over 10,000 security personnel ahead of the anticipated US‑Iran ceasefire talks. The Iranian delegation arrived quietly late on Friday night, traveling through Balochistan before a Pakistani Air Force aircraft switched off its call sign. By the next afternoon, the American team touched down at Nur Khan Air Base, a site India once claimed was damaged during last year’s brief conflict. On the tarmac, three distinctive tail fins—one American, two Iranian—caught the eye, a subtle reminder of the region’s reliance on symbolism. Both delegations were escorted along pre‑cleared routes to the Serena Hotel, which had been emptied and secured days earlier, turning the former luxury venue into a tightly controlled diplomatic arena. This marked the first direct, high‑level engagement between post‑revolution Iran and the United States on foreign soil. Clashing worldviews in the negotiation room Inside, the talks juxtaposed an American “peace through strength” stance with Iran’s “resistance with dignity” perspective. Pakistani Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif warned the night before that the meeting was a make‑or‑break moment for lasting peace. Iran’s chief negotiator, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, set pre‑conditions: any dialogue required progress on a Lebanon ceasefire—where Israel’s campaign has killed over 2,000 people—and the unfreezing of Iranian assets held abroad, which have crippled Tehran’s economy. Within hours of arrival, bilateral side‑talks began, offering a tentative thaw for Pakistani officials facilitating the process. Although previous rounds in Muscat, Vienna, Geneva and Abu Dhabi suffered from deep mistrust, this was the first occasion that the United States’ vice‑president JD Vance and Iran’s parliamentary speaker Ghalibaf faced each other face‑to‑face. Pakistan’s strategic mediating role Pakistan leveraged its unique position—close ties to Gulf states, a shared border with Iran, proximity to the Strait of Hormuz, and a strategic partnership with China—while not hosting US military bases. This allowed Islamabad to engage all parties without overt alignment. The marathon 21‑hour session Officials described the talks as continuous yet uneven. The first session lasted under two hours, followed by a brief procedural pause during which dinner was served but informal discussions continued. Subsequent rounds involved multiple draft exchanges and rapid redrawing of red lines, with constant communication to Washington—including President Donald Trump—and Tehran. Pakistani leaders, including Prime Minister Sharif, Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, and Army Chief Asim Munir, worked around the clock, aiming not for a final pact but for a framework to prevent further escalation. Why the talks stalled As the session entered its final phase, the United States signaled an abrupt end. JD Vance summed up the outcome: “We had substantive discussions, but no agreement.” He emphasized the US demand for an affirmative, long‑term commitment from Iran not to pursue nuclear weapons, describing Washington’s proposal as its “final and best offer.” Iran’s ambassador in Islamabad framed the meeting as “not an event, but a process,” claiming it laid groundwork for future dialogue, while state‑affiliated outlets criticized the US stance as overly demanding. A senior Iranian foreign‑ministry spokesperson noted that, for Tehran, diplomacy is a continuation of its broader struggle, and any progress hinges on the other side’s “seriousness and good faith.” Pakistan’s cautious post‑talk posture Finance Minister Dar thanked both sides and pledged continued facilitation, avoiding any claim of victory or admission of failure. Behind the scenes, officials acknowledged pressure from multiple fronts—including Israel, whose prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu is perceived by some sources as a major obstacle to peace. Aftermath in Islamabad The city did not immediately revert to normal; security checkpoints and traffic diversions persisted, and the Serena Hotel remained under tight control. Journalists reported a disciplined environment with limited leaks, suggesting a deliberate effort to contain information. As the delegations departed, the door on diplomatic engagement remained open, albeit without a concrete agreement. The talks, though inconclusive, demonstrated that high‑level US‑Iran dialogue is possible under Pakistan’s mediation, preserving a channel that could prove pivotal in future regional negotiations.

The U.S. military announced that, starting at 14:00 GMT on Monday, it will enforce a blockade of every Iranian port, a step taken after President Donald Trump ordered a naval closure of the Strait of Hormuz—the waterway through which roughly one‑fifth of global crude oil normally flows. The blockade comes on the heels of stalled peace negotiations in Islamabad, where talks between Washington and Tehran collapsed without an agreement despite a prior cease‑fire pledge. Trump’s escalation has already driven crude prices above $100 per barrel and unsettled Asian equity markets, with the Nikkei 225 down 0.84%, the Topix slipping 0.42% and South Korea’s Kospi falling 1.83%. Iran’s response is equally forceful. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps warned that any vessel entering the strait would be deemed a breach of the cease‑fire and dealt with “harshly and decisively,” insisting it has “full control” and threatening a “deadly vortex” for any misstep. Navy chief Shahram Irani dismissed Trump’s threat as “ridiculous and funny,” while state television said Iranian forces are closely monitoring U.S. movements. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi lamented “maximalism, shifting goalposts, and blockade” that undermined a near‑final Islamabad memorandum, quoting, “Good will begets good will. Enmity begets enmity.” Parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf pledged resistance and mocked U.S. gasoline prices, posting a map of Washington‑area pump prices and predicting nostalgia for $4‑$5 gas. U.S. Central Command clarified that the blockade will stop all vessels bound for or from Iran, while traffic to non‑Iranian ports will continue unhindered. Trump also warned that any ship that has paid an “illegal toll” to Iran will be intercepted on the high seas, and he publicly criticized Pope Leo XIV for urging an end to the conflict. In Lebanon, Israeli airstrikes have killed at least five people, bringing the country’s overall death toll to 2,055. Hezbollah retaliated with a rocket barrage aimed at northern Israeli towns, citing violations of a cease‑fire. The United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) reported that an Israeli tank rammed peace‑keeping vehicles twice in the south. Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu visited troops on the Lebanese border, claiming that Hezbollah’s invasion threat has been neutralized, though he acknowledged that hostilities continue within the security zone. On the energy front, shipping through the Hormuz corridor has “immediately halted,” according to Lloyd’s List, with several vessels turning back after the blockade announcement, further tightening global oil supplies.

A 27-year-old woman, Sana, living in western Tehran with her roommate, Fatemeh, has survived two wars in the past year. The latest conflict began on February 28, when missiles hit Tehran at 9:40 am. Sana had already experienced the 12-day war in June 2025 and was determined not to leave the city again.As the war intensified, Sana and Fatemeh learned to anticipate strikes during certain windows: early morning, afternoon, and after 11 pm. They relied on supermarket deliveries and made frantic dashes to shops when necessary. The internet was often down, and they used virtual private networks (VPNs) to stay connected.On March 16, Sana experienced one of the worst nights of her life when a massive explosion occurred near Mehrabad airport. She and Fatemeh sprinted down the fire escape to the parking garage, fearing for their lives. The war had turned her daily life into a grim routine.Despite the challenges, Sana tried to maintain a sense of normalcy. She kept her job while many others were laid off, and she booked an appointment for a haircut and nails after the ceasefire was announced. These small acts helped her feel human again in the midst of chaos.

Acclaimed director Ken Loach revisits his 2016 film I, Daniel Blake, a poignant portrayal of poverty and the struggles faced by those in need. The film, which sparked controversy upon its release, shed light on the cruel realities of a system that vilifies the vulnerable.Loach reveals that the film was born out of a time of 'mean-spiritedness,' where those who needed support were met with punishment. The story follows Daniel Blake, a character who desperately wants to work but is thwarted by a system designed to fail him.The film's screenwriter, Paul Laverty, conducted extensive research, including a visit to a Glasgow food bank, where he encountered a young man who had not eaten in two to three days. This harrowing experience inspired a pivotal scene in the film, where Katie, played by Hayley Squires, is forced to eat cold baked beans from a tin.Loach notes that at the time of the film's release, the notion of food banks as an institution was unimaginable. However, food banks are now a normalized part of society, with many people relying on them to survive. The film's portrayal of poverty and hunger was met with resistance from some, including Damian Green, who claimed it was a work of fiction. Loach counters that while the characters are fictional, the stories are rooted in truth.Hayley Squires, who played Katie, shares her experience working on the film. She was drawn to the project after meeting Loach and was impressed by his authenticity and warmth. The film's shooting process was unique, with Squires and her co-star Dave Johns working chronologically and improvising scenes.Squires also recounts her preparation for the food bank scene, which included visiting a real food bank and cutting back on food to better understand the experience of hunger. The scene was shot only once, with Loach and the cinematographer Robbie Ryan working to create a sense of empathy and realism.

While the two‑week pause in the US‑Israel campaign against Iran remains uncertain, one constant is clear: Donald Trump lacks a concrete plan, but Benjamin Netanyahu does. The war’s stated aim – to cripple Iran’s state capacity – is only a stepping stone toward a larger vision of a Greater Israel. For Israel’s right‑wing, the phrase often evokes a purely territorial ambition: enlarging the land Israel claims. History shows this expansionist drive has repeatedly displaced Palestinians, a process that has accelerated dramatically in recent years. Since the war began, Israel has flattened Gaza, killing tens of thousands and reducing the civilian‑inhabitable area to roughly 12 % of its pre‑war size. In the West Bank, a wave of settlement expansion and property destruction rivals the scale of the 1967 conflict. Beyond the occupied territories, Israel has seized parts of Syria and is forging a de‑facto occupation zone in southern Lebanon, with ministers from Religious Zionism, Jewish Power and Likud openly demanding Israeli sovereignty there. Finance minister Bezalel Smotrich even called for an expansion “to Damascus,” and Netanyahu has publicly expressed a deep personal connection to this territorial vision. However, Greater Israel is as much a geopolitical and strategic construct as a land‑grab. Netanyahu’s ambition extends beyond occupying borders; he seeks a regional dominion built on new alliances and hard‑power dependencies. After the October 7 attacks and the ensuing Gaza devastation, Israel’s prospects for Arab‑state normalization stalled. Faced with a choice between a conciliatory approach and a zero‑sum rejection of a Palestinian future, Netanyahu chose the latter, aiming to eliminate Iran as a regional counterweight – a move that inevitably required massive US military involvement. Former Israeli security analysts note that, from the perspective of Sunni Gulf states, a weakened Iran would elevate Israel to the role of “dominant regional power.” Achieving this, according to the article, also means softening the Gulf Cooperation Council (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, UAE) and making them dependent on Israel for security and energy routes. The spill‑over of Iranian drone and missile attacks on GCC infrastructure is portrayed not as an accident but as a calculated element of Israel’s strategy. When the US‑Israel coalition struck Iranian energy sites, Iran retaliated against the Gulf, disrupting global oil flows through the Strait of Hormuz. Netanyahu seized the moment to propose “alternative routes” – oil and gas pipelines that would bypass Hormuz and Bab‑al‑Mandab, ending at Israeli Mediterranean ports. In a meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Netanyahu outlined a “hexagon of alliances” linking India, Arab nations, African states, Greece, Cyprus and other Asian partners, positioning Israel as the central hub. Recent IDF strategy papers echo this, suggesting Israel could achieve “operational control” far beyond its borders without permanent occupation, likening the Middle East to a “jungle” where Israel would become the “queen.” Netanyahu now describes Israel not merely as a “regional superpower” but, in some contexts, as a “global superpower.” He promises the hexagonal alliance will confront a “radical Shia axis” and an “emerging radical Sunni axis,” with Turkey singled out as the next strategic threat. Dismissal of the Greater Israel rhetoric as wartime hyperbole would be misleading. The article warns that a permanent war‑oriented mindset permeates Israel’s political elite, security establishment and media, posing a risk of overreach and regional blowback. Containing this expansive vision may become one of the most pressing post‑war challenges for the Middle East.

Brazil coach Carlo Ancelotti has not ruled out the possibility of Neymar Jr earning a spot in his 26-man squad for the FIFA World Cup, giving the forward two months to demonstrate he has the necessary qualities.Ancelotti has consistently stated that Neymar will be in contention if he is fully fit, but the attacker was omitted from Brazil's squad for last month's warm-up matches against France and Croatia.Neymar, Brazil's all-time leading scorer with 79 goals, has not played for the national team since suffering a serious knee injury in October 2023 and has struggled to maintain a consistent run of matches since returning to Santos last year.Ancelotti has suggested that Neymar remains part of his thinking as Brazil assess their options in the run-up to the World Cup, which takes place from June 11 to July 19 in the United States, Canada, and Mexico.“He’s a great talent, and it’s normal that people think he can help us win the next World Cup,” Ancelotti said in an interview with French newspaper L’Equipe.“He’s currently being evaluated by the CBF [Brazilian Football Confederation], by me, and he still has two months to show that he has the qualities to play in the next World Cup.“After his knee injury, Neymar has made a good comeback; he’s scoring goals. He needs to continue in this direction and improve his fitness. He’s on the right track.”Brazil are in Group C alongside Morocco, Haiti, and Scotland in the World Cup and will begin their campaign on June 13 in New Jersey.

Amid decades of recurring hostilities, observers are questioning whether Israeli society has become accustomed to a perpetual state of war. The discussion centers on how sustained security threats might shape public attitudes, civic life, and policy priorities, potentially normalising a war‑ready outlook. Critics argue that this conditioning could erode democratic debate and limit aspirations for peace, while proponents suggest it reinforces national resilience and preparedness. The debate underscores the broader challenge of balancing security imperatives with the desire for a stable, civilian‑focused future.

Since the outbreak of the Iran conflict in February, European car shoppers have turned sharply toward electric vehicles (EVs), spurred by a rapid climb in petrol costs that has made plug‑in power appear markedly cheaper. Major online marketplaces report a pronounced uptick in EV interest. Germany’s leading platform, Mobile.de, recorded a greater‑than‑50% increase in electric‑car inquiries in March compared with February, while demand for petrol and diesel models fell during the same period. Hybrid queries edged up only 4%. In the United Kingdom, Spain and Germany, the buyer‑matching service Carwow logged 20%‑30% growth in EV inquiries between February and March, with the UK alone seeing a 23% rise in electric demand and a 19% jump for hybrids. French marketplace La Centrale observed a staggering 160% surge in EV searches from early March to early April, underscoring how sensitive drivers are to energy‑price volatility. AutoScout24, operating across Germany, Austria and Italy, noted that demand for electric cars climbed by roughly 40%, while interest in petrol and diesel vehicles remained flat or declined. Official registration data reinforce the trend. The Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders (SMMT) reported that March battery‑electric registrations hit 86,120 units—a 24.2% year‑on‑year increase** and a record high for the month. Industry insiders attribute the shift to a combination of soaring fuel costs and supportive policy measures. In Germany, diesel prices have reached **€2.50 per litre**, and the government’s **€6,000 purchase subsidy** for electric cars further narrows the cost gap. "What the German energy transition couldn’t achieve, the economic reality has delivered," said Ajay Bhatia, CEO of Mobile.de, highlighting how market forces are now driving the zero‑emission push. Volkswagen’s ID.3 emerged as the most popular battery model, benefitting from both the subsidy and heightened consumer awareness. Nevertheless, experts caution that the surge may be partly transitory. Mobile.de’s Bhatia predicts the spike will settle at "a new, higher normal," while Autotrader’s Ian Plummer notes that previous fuel‑price spikes did not translate into lasting EV adoption, emphasizing the need for continued confidence in vehicle range and charging infrastructure. Guillaume‑Henri Blanchet of La Centrale added that the crisis has given many drivers their first real sense of total‑cost‑of‑ownership, making them more willing to accept higher upfront prices for lower long‑term operating costs. As Europe grapples with the dual pressures of geopolitical tension and energy inflation, the automotive market appears poised for a structural shift toward electrification, though the durability of this momentum remains to be fully seen.

Muslim worshippers gathered at the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem on Friday to perform their first communal prayers since the site's reopening. The mosque, a significant religious site for Muslims, had been closed for an undisclosed period.The Friday prayers mark a notable return to normalcy for the Muslim community, allowing them to once again utilize the mosque for their religious practices.