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Meta announced the launch of Muse Spark, the debut artificial‑intelligence model from the company’s ambitious "superintelligence" squad that was assembled last year with a multi‑billion‑dollar budget. The team, spearheaded by former Scale AI chief Alex Wang—brought on board in a $14.3 bn acquisition—has been offered compensation packages running into the hundreds of millions to attract top talent. Muse Spark is the first installment of the internally codenamed "Avocado" series. For now, the model is accessible only through Meta’s AI app and website, but Meta says it will soon supplant the existing Llama models that power chatbots on WhatsApp, Instagram, Facebook and the firm’s smart‑glasses lineup. Unlike earlier open releases of Llama, Meta has kept Muse Spark’s architecture details under wraps, offering a private preview to a select group of unnamed partners. In a blog post, Meta described the system as "small and fast by design, yet capable enough to reason through complex questions in science, math and health," positioning it as a solid foundation for future, larger versions. Independent testing shows Muse Spark narrowing the gap with leading models from Google, OpenAI and Anthropic in language and visual comprehension, though it still trails in coding and abstract reasoning tasks. The model placed tied for fourth on a comprehensive AI benchmark compiled by Artificial Analysis. CEO Mark Zuckerberg had previously cautioned investors that early releases would be modest but would demonstrate a "rapid trajectory." Wang echoed this sentiment on social media, acknowledging "rough edges" that will be refined over time and confirming that bigger variants are already in development, with some slated for open release. Beyond performance metrics, Meta hinted at commercial ambitions, embedding shopping suggestions directly into its AI chatbot to guide users toward purchasable items. With over 3.5 billion active users across its platforms, the company hopes AI‑driven personal tasks will boost engagement and create a competitive edge over rivals with smaller user bases. Practical use‑cases highlighted include estimating meal calories from a photo, virtually placing a mug on a shelf via augmented reality, and a new "Contemplating Mode" that runs multiple agents simultaneously—mirroring advanced reasoning features seen in Google’s Gemini Deep Think and OpenAI’s GPT‑Pro. Meta says this mode could, for example, help a family plan a vacation by having one agent draft an itinerary while another scouts kid‑friendly activities.

The two‑child benefit cap, introduced in 2015 by Chancellor George Osborne as a fairness measure, has been widely criticised for penalising families rather than influencing birth rates. Eleven years on, evidence shows the policy did not reduce family size but instead increased hardship for the poorest households.Research estimates that the cap pushed 350,000 children into poverty and drove another 700,000 deeper into deprivation. The impact fell disproportionately on the most vulnerable universal‑credit claimants, with a notable over‑representation of Muslim and Jewish families. Affected children missed out on school uniforms, extracurricular activities, and even regular meals.On Monday, the government announced the cap’s removal – a move that analysts say could deliver the most significant reduction in child poverty seen in a single parliamentary term. Modelling suggests that by 2030 450,000 children could be lifted out of poverty, while roughly 480,000 families may see an annual boost of £4,100. Parents anticipate being able to avoid food banks, afford hot school meals, and prevent bullying linked to clothing.The reversal was not inevitable. Persistent campaigning by think‑tanks, charities, and a handful of rebellious Labour MPs – some of whom faced suspension for defying party whips – forced the issue onto the political agenda. Nevertheless, the editorial notes that an estimated four million children will remain in poverty without further systemic reforms, such as raising Universal Credit rates and increasing local housing allowances.Public opinion remains divided: a recent YouGov poll found that six in ten Britons previously supported keeping the cap, though support for removal rose when the policy was framed as giving every child a good start. The editorial warns that other parties, including Reform UK, have pledged to reinstate the limit, underscoring the need for Labour to consolidate this victory and push for broader anti‑poverty measures.

The latest Cannes lineup reveals a clear pivot from the usual Hollywood glamour toward a roster dominated by celebrated world‑cinema auteurs such as Pedro Almodóvar, Cristian Mungiu and Asghar Farhadi. While last year’s festival was anchored by a Mission: Impossible spectacle starring Tom Cruise, this edition offers a more eclectic mix, including debut features from Andy Garcia (who also stars in his crime drama Diamond) and John Travolta, who directs the aviation‑themed Propeller One‑Way Night Coach based on his own novel.Under the stewardship of director Thierry Frémaux, Cannes continues to bar films that are exclusive to streaming platforms, a stance that has been vindicated by recent Oscar successes for festival selections. The festival also entered the AI debate: Steven Soderbergh’s documentary John Lennon: The Last Interview employs artificial intelligence to reconstruct visual elements of the legendary interview, sparking both fascination and unease among attendees.Gender representation remains skewed, with a noticeable predominance of male directors in the competition slate, although the final list is still pending. Notably absent are any British filmmakers, despite the inclusion of Polish auteur Paweł Pawlikowski, whose biopic of Thomas Mann, Fatherland, could be loosely claimed as a UK entry given his long residence there.Geopolitical undercurrents are hard to ignore. Russian director Andrey Zvyagintsev returns with Minotaur, a film about a beleaguered Russian businessman. Zvyagintsev, once favored by Vladimir Putin, now lives in exile in France, adding a layer of political intrigue to his work amid the ongoing war in Ukraine.The competition also features a strong historical thread: László Nemes’s Moulin revisits occupied France, Emmanuel Marre’s Notre Salut explores Vichy‑era France, and Lukas Dhont’s Coward follows a Belgian soldier’s harrowing experience in World‑I trenches.Among the more provocative entries, Nicolas Winding Refn’s Her Private Hell promises shock value in the out‑of‑competition slot, while the Un Certain Regard section showcases Jane Schoenbrun’s queer slasher Teenage Sex and Death at Camp Miasma, likely to become a festival highlight.

A 47‑year‑old woman who had endured three life‑threatening autoimmune diseases for more than a decade is now living a near‑normal life after an experimental CAR‑T cell therapy reset her immune system at University Hospital Erlangen in Germany.Before the procedure she had exhausted nine different treatments with no lasting benefit, relying on daily blood transfusions and continuous anticoagulation to manage her illnesses.Within weeks of the infusion, doctors observed rapid improvement in all three conditions—a world‑first outcome. She has remained in treatment‑free remission for 14 months and has largely returned to everyday activities.Prof Fabian Müller, who led the team, called the speed and depth of the response “remarkable” and said the therapy “significantly improved her quality of life.” He emphasized that clinical trials are required to determine how durable the effect is and whether it can help other autoimmune patients.The patient suffered from three distinct disorders: autoimmune haemolytic anaemia (AIHA), where rogue immune cells destroy red blood cells; immune thrombocytopenia (ITP), which depletes platelets and raises bleeding risk; and antiphospholipid syndrome (APS), which promotes dangerous blood clots. All three stem from malfunctioning B‑cells.With no conventional options left, doctors turned to CAR‑T therapy, a technique that has revolutionised treatment for certain cancers. They harvested her white‑blood cells, isolated the T‑cells, engineered them to recognise the CD19 protein on B‑cells, and reinfused the modified cells.The engineered T‑cells swiftly eliminated the pathogenic B‑cells. She received her last blood transfusion a week after treatment and was able to perform routine tasks within two weeks. Follow‑up tests showed a reconstituted, healthy B‑cell population, suggesting an immune reset. The findings were published in the journal Med.She still exhibits a mildly low white‑cell count and slightly elevated liver enzymes, which researchers attribute to the cumulative impact of prior therapies rather than the CAR‑T product.Rheumatology expert Prof Ben Parker of Manchester University NHS Foundation Trust described the case as encouraging, noting that “the prolonged response off normal therapy suggests there has been an immune reset.” However, he warned that case reports alone cannot confirm efficacy and highlighted ongoing trials for lupus, myositis, multiple sclerosis, systemic sclerosis, vasculitis, and other autoimmune conditions.

On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom’s electorate shifted from party‑centric voting to a binary choice between staying in or leaving the European Union. A decade later, about 60 % of the population still define themselves by the side they chose in that single referendum, turning a one‑off political decision into a lasting personal identity.While analysts often focus on the policy fallout—economic turbulence, party infighting, and shifting trade relations—the real impact runs deeper. The referendum ignited a civil‑war‑like split that continues to shape elections, media narratives, and everyday conversations across the country.Before the global upheavals of the George Floyd protests and the Covid‑19 vaccine rollout, Brexit was Britain’s most potent form of identity politics. It spawned new media outlets, such as GB News, and programmes like The Rest Is Politics, while also marginalising older cultural tropes like the “centrist dad” or “gammon” heckler on Question Time. Figures such as Nigel Farage and Zack Polanski now occupy the political fringe rather than the mainstream.The analysis draws on the new book Tribal Politics: How Brexit Divided Britain by political scientists Sara Hobolt and James Tilley. Their longitudinal surveys reveal a simple yet striking pattern: the referendum transformed a previously lukewarm public attitude toward the EU into a powerful, identity‑based habit.Prior to 2016, most Britons held only a mild Euroscepticism and gave the EU little thought. Even former Prime Minister David Cameron tried to silence the issue in 2006, believing it failed to engage voters. The sudden elevation of a niche concern to a national obsession forced ordinary citizens to pick a side, discuss it in pubs, and embed it into their self‑image—a process James Clear describes as building “identity‑based habits”.Data from Hobolt and Tilley show that emotional attachment to the Brexit identity was modest before the vote, rose sharply as the referendum approached, and surged dramatically after the result was announced. The post‑vote period saw a flood of EU‑themed merchandise, street rallies, and even flag‑clashes at cultural events such as the 2017 Last Night of the Proms.Crucially, the tribal divide has not faded. By 2025, only around 40 % of “Leavers” feel comfortable discussing politics with “Remainers”, and the sentiment is reciprocated. This goes beyond mere disagreement; it reflects a level of social discrimination where individuals on opposite sides would hesitate to share a home or marry into each other’s families.The authors note that the split now extends to perceptions of reality itself. Even in 2024, Remainers and Leavers disagreed on basic economic indicators, illustrating how the referendum reshaped not just policy preferences but fundamental worldviews.Class‑based voting, which dominated the 20th‑century British political landscape, has been largely supplanted by this new cultural cleavage. A previous study co‑authored by Tilley showed that the Labour Party’s turn toward the political centre in the 1990s eroded traditional working‑class loyalty. Today, leader Keir Starmer’s working‑class credentials appear largely symbolic, offering little substantive change.With class politics receded, culture wars have taken centre stage. The Brexit campaign’s vague promises about trade left the nation with a protracted, messy adjustment period. Immigration, famously dubbed the “baseball bat” issue by Dominic Cummings, remains the most polarising policy divide, followed by foreign aid and even the death penalty.Hobolt and Tilley’s most striking chart shows that while Remainers and Leavers clash over immigration, they share little disagreement on economic equality, workers’ rights, or public ownership—issues that directly affect household incomes. This suggests that the political battle is driven more by symbolic identity than by material concerns, benefitting those already financially secure.In sum, the United Kingdom’s post‑Brexit reality is one of entrenched tribalism, where a single referendum has reshaped social bonds, political discourse, and perceptions of truth itself. The nation continues to grapple with the legacy of a vote that turned a policy decision into a lasting cultural fault line.

In the war-torn city of Taiz, Yemen, a 14-year-old boy named Ibrahim was killed by a sniper while walking to school with his younger siblings. The incident has sent shockwaves through the community, with locals blaming the Houthi rebels for the tragedy.Ibrahim's mother, Umm Ibrahim, expressed her grief, asking, 'Why did they kill my child, my source of strength?' She had already lost her husband nearly a decade ago and relied heavily on Ibrahim as they struggled to survive in the economically deprived city.The Houthi rebels have been besieging Taiz for 11 years, and the city lies on the front line of the war between the Houthis and the Yemeni government. A 2025 UN report found that 66% of sniper killings in Yemen took place in Taiz, with 21 deaths, including nine children.The killing has sparked an outpouring of anger in Taiz, with a mass turnout for Ibrahim's funeral and protest vigils organized by local schools. The government-run Education Office condemned the killing, calling it a 'cowardly terrorist' act.Najib al-Kamali, head of the Alef Observatory for the Protection of Education and Children's Rights, stated, 'Targeting a child going through their educational journey is an act that goes beyond a violation to the level of a symbolic assassination of hope within a society.'

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

Iran and the United States announced a two‑week ceasefire that will also guarantee safe navigation through the strategically vital Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint through which roughly 20% of the world’s oil supply moves.The pause comes as the conflict entered its 40th day, with hopes now fixed on a diplomatic breakthrough during talks scheduled to begin in Pakistan on Friday.President Donald Trump declared that the truce would be activated once Tehran fully reopened the waterway, linking the cessation of hostilities to the restoration of a critical global supply route.Celebrations erupted across Iran, and numerous world leaders publicly welcomed the development, describing it as a step toward broader regional stability.The fighting, which has drawn in virtually the entire Middle East, saw Iran claim to target U.S. assets in several Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, while Gulf nations accused Tehran of striking civilian infrastructure.Hezbollah’s March 2 attacks on Israel pulled Lebanon into the war, and although Israel has signaled support for the ceasefire, it warned that the agreement does not extend to Lebanon.Against this backdrop, Gulf and neighboring states have issued statements outlining their positions on the ceasefire:Saudi Arabia welcomed the truce, urging an immediate end to regional attacks and calling for the Strait of Hormuz to be reopened, emphasizing that the ceasefire should lead to a “comprehensive sustainable pacification.”Qatar described the ceasefire as an “initial step toward de‑escalation,” stressing the need for rapid implementation, full adherence by Iran, and the protection of maritime security and international trade under international law.United Arab Emirates diplomatic adviser Anwar Gargash hailed the outcome as a victory for a war the UAE sought to avoid, claiming the nation now possesses greater leverage and capacity to shape regional affairs.Oman expressed appreciation for Pakistan’s mediation and called for intensified efforts to address the root causes of the conflict, aiming for a permanent end to hostilities.Iraq welcomed the ceasefire but urged the United States and Iran to launch “serious and sustainable dialogue” that tackles underlying disputes and rebuilds mutual trust.Egypt framed the truce as a crucial opportunity for negotiations, diplomacy, and dialogue, insisting that any lasting peace must respect freedom of navigation and consider the legitimate security concerns of Gulf states.Turkey supported the ceasefire and pledged backing for the upcoming Islamabad talks, emphasizing the importance of full ground‑level implementation and strict adherence by all parties.Sudan called the two‑week pause a “positive step toward de‑escalation,” highlighting its potential to foster diplomacy and regional stability.

During Donald Trump’s January 2025 inauguration, Giorgia Meloni was the only European leader invited, underscoring a brief period of close personal and diplomatic ties between Italy’s right‑wing government and the new U.S. administration. A month earlier she had been photographed sharing a private conversation with Trump at the Élysée Palace while President Emmanuel Macron celebrated the reopening of Notre‑Dame. From the outset of Trump’s second term, the Italian premier was hailed by the U.S. president as a “real live wire” and the European ally who could help “straighten out the world.” Meloni embraced the role, describing Trump as a “brilliant man” and promising to "make the West great again" together. That camaraderie has now eroded. In the wake of the US‑Israeli military action against Iran, Meloni told reporters during a Gulf‑region visit that "when we don’t agree, we must say it", explicitly rejecting the war. Her stance was reinforced a week earlier when Italy denied U.S. bombers permission to refuel at a southern base. Political analysts note that Meloni’s shift marks a decisive break from Trump’s agenda. Roberto D’Alimonte, a political‑science professor at Luiss University, warned that her earlier attempt to act as a bridge between Trump and European allies has become a “liability” she now seeks to repair. Public opinion reflects the change. Recent polls show a solid majority of Italians oppose the Iran war, and support for Trump in Italy has plunged from 35 % to just 19 %. The backlash also manifested in a recent referendum on judicial reform, where 61 % of voters aged 18‑34 rejected Meloni’s proposal—a defeat analysts link more to dissatisfaction with her foreign‑policy alignment than to the reform itself. Beyond politics, the conflict threatens Italy’s economy. As the EU’s second‑largest natural‑gas consumer—accounting for roughly 40 % of its energy mix—Italy is feeling the impact of soaring energy prices caused by the near‑total shutdown of traffic through the Strait of Hormuz. The Bank of Italy now projects only a 0.5 % growth rate for 2026‑27, down from earlier forecasts, while the national statistics office reported that Italy’s fiscal deficit has breached the EU’s 3 % ceiling, limiting fiscal flexibility ahead of next year’s elections. Despite these pressures, Meloni has not completely abandoned the United States. In March she declined Trump’s request to dispatch Italian warships to the Strait of Hormuz, aligning with other European nations, yet she stopped short of condemning the US‑led operation outright. Experts argue that Meloni’s approach is deliberately cautious. “She is pragmatic and politically skilled,” D’Alimonte said. “She will continue to balance criticism of Trump’s aggressive foreign policy with the need to preserve strategic ties, moving step‑by‑step toward a stronger European alignment without burning bridges.”