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President Donald Trump warned on Tuesday that a U.S. attack on Iran could cause "a whole civilization to die tonight," a statement that sparked immediate backlash from climate icon Greta Thunberg. The Swedish activist, known for her outspoken stance on climate change and the Gaza crisis, described the president’s remarks as a normalization of genocide and urged the public to reject such rhetoric. In an Instagram video posted shortly before a cease‑fire was announced, Thunberg lamented the "muted" reaction to the threat, asking, "What the f*** is anyone even doing at this point?" She emphasized that the world has become accustomed to "total annihilation of entire peoples" and the "systematic destruction of the biosphere," urging viewers to demand an end to these narratives. Poll data reveal a stark generational split on the war. A Pew Research Center survey released Tuesday showed that while 67 % of Republicans aged 65+ believe the conflict will curb Iran’s nuclear ambitions, only 25 % of Republicans aged 18‑29 share that view. When asked about the war’s impact on Iranians, just 7 % of older Republican voters said they would be worse off, compared with nearly 28 % of younger voters. Among Democrats, the age gap is less pronounced but still significant: 60 % of young Democratic respondents (18‑29) think the war will harm Iranians, versus 48 % of those over 65. Similar patterns emerge in other surveys. Emerson College found that 75 % of respondents under 50 fear a new world war within four years, compared with 54 % of those over 50. A Politico poll of self‑identified “MAGA Republicans” showed that only 49 % of those under 35 believe Trump has a concrete plan for the Iran conflict, versus 70 % of older supporters. These findings echo a broader historical trend: younger Americans, many of whom grew up in the shadow of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, display a more isolationist outlook. A December 2025 Pew poll indicated that only 39 % of 18‑29‑year‑olds consider active U.S. involvement in global affairs important, compared with 73 % of seniors. The generational divide also extends to attitudes toward Israel. The same Tuesday poll reported that 84 % of young Democrats and 57 % of young Republicans hold an unfavorable view of Israel, whereas older respondents are considerably less critical. Thunberg’s criticism of Trump aligns with her longstanding activism on Middle‑East issues. Last year she joined a humanitarian flotilla bound for Gaza, only to be detained and deported by Israeli forces. Her latest condemnation underscores a growing sentiment among Gen Z that calls for accountability and an end to war‑like rhetoric. In summary, the controversy surrounding Trump’s Iran threat has amplified existing generational tensions in the United States, with younger citizens increasingly questioning the efficacy and morality of U.S. military interventions while demanding a shift away from language that normalizes mass violence.

In the run-up to the state assembly election in Assam, India, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is employing a strategy that combines Hindu nationalism with welfare schemes to woo voters.The party, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been accused of pursuing a hardline Hindu supremacist agenda in Assam, coupled with a xenophobic campaign targeting the state's Muslim population, which constitutes 34% of Assam's 31 million people.At a recent election rally in Morigaon district, BJP leaders highlighted the welfare schemes launched by Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma's government, including a direct benefit transfer scheme called Orunodoi, which provides financial aid to women. Nitin Nabin, the BJP's national president, claimed these schemes benefited the Assamese people, especially women.The BJP's strategy in Assam has been described as a 'cocktail of Hindutva and welfarism' by Akhil Ranjan Dutta, a political science professor at Assam's Gauhati University. 'The BJP is experimenting with a brand of Hindutva by co-opting Indigenous armed struggle and cultural nationalism, while solidifying Hindu identity and othering the Bengali Muslims.'The party's election promises have heightened anxiety among Bengali-speaking Muslims, who fear more crackdowns on their community, including a proposal to implement a Uniform Civil Code, which critics say will override Muslim personal laws.Opposition parties and analysts argue that the BJP is mainly milking two cash transfer schemes – Orunodoi and Udyamita – to influence voters in this election. Economist Joydeep Baruah estimates that at least 10 to 15% of the scheme's four million women beneficiaries could vote for the BJP.The BJP's tactics have been criticized by opposition parties and human rights groups, who accuse the party of vote buying and polarizing the electorate along communal lines.

The recent conflict between Israel and Iran has highlighted the consequences of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's promise of an 'easy' war. When Netanyahu met with US President Donald Trump at Mar-a-Lago in December, he came with an appeal and a subtle inducement.Netanyahu had suggested a final benefit to Trump: defeating Iran would allow Israel to wean itself off its massive reliance on US military aid. However, the reality of the conflict has been far from easy, with Iran's resilient regime and the ongoing Middle East war showing no signs of abating.The conflict has also had significant implications for global diplomacy, with Emmanuel Macron reflecting a widespread view that US and Israeli strikes on Iran would not provide a durable solution to Tehran's nuclear program. The war has undermined Nato and potentially emboldened China, Russia, and North Korea.The conflict has also led to a decline in support for Israel globally, with polls showing a decline in support for Israel across the political spectrum in the US, particularly among Democrats and young voters. A Gallup survey released recently showed that Americans are more sympathetic to Palestinians than Israelis for the first time since Gallup began measuring that question in 2001.

The UK Prime Minister's recent comments on seeking closer relations with the EU are a step in the right direction, but a piecemeal approach to repairing the damage done by Brexit is unlikely to succeed.A more ambitious plan would be for Labour to announce a referendum on whether the UK should open negotiations on re-entry to the EU, promising a general election to secure a mandate to implement the proposal should the British public vote in favour. This would allow the government to seize the initiative and provide it with an issue around which to rally a broad base of electoral support.This approach would also expose the increasing reluctance of Reform UK and the Conservatives to defend Brexit and silence accusations of the betrayal of British voters.Ultimately, it would provide a practical route for restoring Britain to its rightful place within the EU, at a time when shifts in the global order make that task more urgent than ever.

Two weeks after the United States and Israel entered a direct conflict with Iran, the White House faced mounting criticism that the war would drive up fuel costs and anger voters. Former President Donald Trump attempted to calm concerns on Truth Social, noting that the United States is the world’s largest oil producer and that higher prices translate into higher revenues for American companies. Now, five weeks into the hostilities, the reality is becoming clear: defense contractors and oil companies are the primary beneficiaries of the escalating energy market. The Department of Defense announced that Boeing will partner with Lockheed Martin to triple U.S. production of missile seekers, a move that sent Lockheed Martin’s stock up 25% since the start of the year. The announcement also lifted Boeing’s share price, underscoring how wartime procurement is boosting aerospace valuations. At the same time, Iran’s continued blockade of the Strait of Hormuz—through which roughly one‑fifth of global oil and gas flows—has pushed U.S. crude from $65 to over $110 per barrel in just a month. Pump prices have mirrored this surge, breaking the $4‑a‑gallon barrier for the first time since 2022. Oil majors have responded with sharp stock gains; ExxonMobil, Shell and Chevron have each risen more than 20% year‑to‑date. According to market‑research firm Rystad Energy, U.S. oil producers stand to earn an additional $63 billion as barrels trade above $100. “Oil prices in March have been materially higher than anyone expected, delivering a windfall for the vast majority of U.S. energy companies,” said Leo Mariani, senior analyst at Roth Capital Partners. The last comparable price shock occurred in 2022 after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, when U.S. gasoline peaked at $5 per gallon and inflation surged to 9%. That episode generated $916 billion in global oil‑and‑gas profits, with U.S. firms accounting for $281 billion. Chevron’s subsequent $75 billion stock‑buyback program—seven times its prior year’s amount—illustrates how quickly companies can translate price spikes into shareholder returns. Research by economists Gregor Semieniuk and Isabella Weber revealed that in 2022, 50% of oil‑company profits went to the top 1% of Americans, while the bottom half of the wealth distribution captured just 1% of those gains. Analysts warn that the current conflict could generate even larger windfalls because it has damaged actual production capacity in the Middle East, not merely reshuffled supply. “You’re benefiting a lot more from higher prices than you are from lost production,” Mariani noted, emphasizing the outsized profit potential. Even if hostilities cease, restoring pre‑conflict output in the region may take months, prolonging the supply crunch. As senior fellow Clay Seagle of the Center for Strategic and International Studies explains, the current situation differs from 2022: “Now we’re dealing with a much more severe supply event because the oil has been actually removed from the market.” Prolonged high prices could eventually curb demand, as consumers and businesses seek alternatives—a shift seen after the 1970s oil shocks when the U.S. moved away from oil‑generated electricity. Nonetheless, many sectors remain vulnerable: diesel, a key fuel for trucks and aircraft, has risen 40%, and airline stocks such as United and American have fallen more than 15% since the year began. Moreover, disruptions to liquefied natural gas (LNG) production threaten fertilizer supplies essential for agriculture. Semieniuk cautions that “we’re approaching the kinds of disruption levels we saw in 2022, and with that, the kinds of profits that we saw there. If this takes longer, it’s going to surpass that.”

Progressive candidate Abdul El‑Sayed’s alliance with left‑wing Twitch streamer Hasan Piker has ignited a sharp rift within Michigan’s tightly contested three‑way Senate race, pitting establishment favorite Mallory McMorrow against a pro‑Israel coalition supporting Rep. Haley Stevens. McMorrow, backed by the Democratic establishment, the Anti‑Defamation League, the Trump administration, and prominent pro‑Israel figures, has condemned Piker as antisemitic and warned that his involvement could alienate voters still reeling from the recent Temple Israel synagogue attack. In contrast, El‑Sayed and Piker announced a joint rally last week, prompting McMorrow’s camp to label the partnership a political liability. Seven Arab American leaders interviewed by the Guardian argue that the attacks on El‑Sayed and Piker are both strategic missteps and moral blunders that repeat the mistakes that cost the Democrats in Michigan in 2024. Michigan houses the nation’s highest per‑capita Arab American population, anchored by a large Lebanese diaspora. The ongoing Israeli assault on southern Lebanon—displacing over 1 million civilians and destroying villages—has hit the community hard, with many families directly affected. "Arabs get the pressure and Israel gets compassion," said James Zogby of the Democratic National Committee, underscoring the perceived double standard. Arab American leaders contend that the Democratic focus on Israel while sidelining Lebanese and Muslim concerns could erode crucial voter support. Data from the 2024 election illustrate the risk: Kamala Harris lost Michigan by roughly 80,000 votes, with some analysts estimating that her pro‑Israel stance cost her an additional 100,000 votes. A Guardian analysis found a 22,000‑vote swing away from Democrats in the three cities with the largest Arab American and Muslim populations. National polling now shows a dramatic shift among Democratic voters: support for Israel’s war in Gaza has fallen to an all‑time low of 8%, while a majority favor an arms embargo on Israel. Piker, who commands a 3‑million‑strong Twitch audience, consistently voices sympathy for Palestinians and calls for an embargo, positioning himself as a bridge to younger, progressive voters. Despite the controversy, El‑Sayed maintains that winning requires dialogue with all constituencies, even those outside the progressive bubble, noting his recent appearance on Fox News. He warned that every dollar spent on what he calls an "illegal, unjustified war in Iran" diverts resources from schools, healthcare, and infrastructure in Michigan. As the 2028 election cycle looms, Arab American leaders caution that the Democratic Party’s handling of the Israel‑Palestine issue in this swing state could have lasting repercussions, potentially reshaping the party’s fortunes in the Midwest.

The new Reform UK promotion, dubbed “Nigel cut my bills,” asks voters to surrender personal details – name, phone, email and voting history – for a chance that Nigel Farage will foot their energy bills for a year. The concept reads like a scripted MrBeast video: a charismatic host appears on a suburban street, hands out cash, and celebrates each winner with upbeat music and on‑screen tallies. While the party frames the scheme as a bold, voter‑engaging move, privacy advocates have already flagged potential breaches of data‑protection law. More troubling, however, is what the stunt signifies: the “MrBeastification” of British politics, where flashy giveaways replace substantive policy debate. Reform UK’s website touts a suite of promised savings if it wins the next election: scrapping VAT on energy bills (a £85 reduction), eliminating Labour’s green levy (£100), and removing the carbon tax (£15). The messaging is clear – Farage is portrayed as a man who puts money directly into voters’ pockets. Yet the underlying issue of soaring energy costs is oversimplified. Bills are high not because of the mentioned taxes, but because the UK’s electricity price is tied to volatile gas market prices. Farage’s advocacy for renewed North Sea drilling would lock the country into this volatility, offering short‑term relief at the expense of long‑term energy security. Earlier, Reform UK floated a controversial policy targeting non‑domiciled residents: a one‑off charge of £250,000 for a ten‑year renewable residence permit, with proceeds earmarked for low‑paid workers. Critics argue the fee merely shifts the burden onto wealthy foreigners while providing negligible benefit to ordinary voters. In the world of viral giveaways, the spectacle often masks deeper shortcomings. As the article notes, after MrBeast hands cash to a homeless man, he probes the man’s backstory, revealing systemic issues that a single payment cannot solve. Similarly, Reform’s grand gestures risk being tokenistic, offering temporary excitement without addressing the structural challenges of the UK’s energy market. Ultimately, the “Nigel cut my bills” competition may capture attention, but it also underscores a shift toward sensationalist political communication that prioritises instant gratification over meaningful policy solutions.

Approximately two dozen Democratic‑led states and the District of Columbia have lodged a federal lawsuit against President Donald Trump to block a newly issued executive order that would sharply limit mail‑in and absentee voting. The filing, submitted on Friday, comes as voting‑rights groups warn the measure is designed to make voting harder ahead of the 2026 midterm elections, which will decide control of both chambers of Congress. New York Attorney General Letitia James, representing 23 states and D.C., said the order "exceeds the president’s constitutional authority" and undermines the principle that states set the times, places and manner of elections. "Free and fair elections are the cornerstone of our democracy, and no president has the power to rewrite the rules on his own," James stated. The contested order, signed on Tuesday, directs the Department of Homeland Security to compile a nationwide list of eligible voters and instructs the United States Postal Service to deliver ballots only to individuals on a "State‑specific Mail‑in and Absentee Participation List." Critics argue the list would be incomplete and would place an undue burden on the USPS. Voting‑rights advocates note that mail‑in voting surged after the COVID‑19 pandemic, with one‑third of all 2024 ballots cast by mail, a trend that cuts across both Republican and Democratic states. In their complaint, the states contend that only Congress, not the president, may impose new restrictions on election administration, and that implementing such changes so close to the November vote would generate significant logistical chaos. President Trump maintains the action is needed to combat "rampant voter fraud," a claim repeatedly debunked by independent monitors, including the Heritage Foundation, which reports fraud rates are exceedingly low. Beyond the lawsuit, the Justice Department has pursued separate legal actions to obtain voter data, and the FBI’s recent raid on a Georgia election office has heightened concerns about election integrity. Trump is also urging Congress to pass the "SAVE America Act", which would require proof of U.S. citizenship—such as a birth certificate or passport—and a photo ID for ballot casting. Rights groups warn the proposal could disenfranchise many voters, including women who have changed their surnames after marriage.

As the 2026 local and regional elections draw nearer, the spectre of Trussonomics looms large over the British political landscape. From the Conservatives to the Greens, parties are unveiling extravagant fiscal promises that they claim can be funded by cuts elsewhere or additional borrowing, while insisting the broader economy will remain unharmed. Critics warn that any adverse effects will inevitably be shifted onto people and businesses outside the parties' core constituencies, effectively socialising the risk. Only Keir Starmer and his Labour cabinet appear to resist the pressure to re‑engineer the economy without acknowledging inevitable spill‑overs or extra costs. Former Prime Minister Liz Truss famously pledged £45 bn of tax cuts, financed through extra borrowing and so‑called welfare “efficiencies”. The plan was pitched as a catalyst for an entrepreneurial surge that would lift the UK out of a prolonged period of low productivity. Heading into May’s local polls, the Conservatives are touting a new “big‑spending” agenda after recent welfare cuts, highlighted by a headline pledge to shrink the welfare bill by £23 bn. Shadow Chancellor Mel Stride declared that the “culture of ‘something for nothing’ must end, now”. Green Party leader Zack Polanski has softened some of his party’s more radical proposals, yet the manifesto remains vague. Earlier drafts featured a litany of “free lunches”, signalling an ambition to raise taxes by **more than £170 bn a year** by the end of the next parliament. Key components of the Green plan include a £90 bn annual carbon tax and a matching increase in day‑to‑day public spending, alongside a proposed £90 bn boost to the capital‑spending budget (raising it from £160 bn to £250 bn per year). Reform UK has embraced Trussonomics with gusto, promising to raise the income‑tax threshold from £12,570 to £20,000 – a move that would cost the exchequer **over £40 bn each year**. Underlying many of these pledges is a belief that the UK can reverse a century of economic decline with a “magician’s wand”, ignoring potential repercussions for financial markets, trading partners, and a rapidly disintegrating global order. While the article briefly references the United States and France, the French electorate’s recent rejection of similarly flamboyant policies in local elections serves as a cautionary tale: voters in key cities like Paris and Marseille opted for centrist candidates over the radical platforms of Marine Le Pen’s National Rally and Jean‑Luc Mélenchon’s LFI. The broader context is a decade marked by two major wars, a quantum technological shift, and accelerating climate change – none of which offer quick‑fix solutions. Labour’s economic strategy, championed by Rachel Reeves, hinges on an early‑parliament spending surge intended to generate growth before the next general election. However, the damage inflicted by the previous government is still being reassessed, with the public‑finance gap now appearing larger than the £22 bn initially highlighted by Reeves. Labour still holds considerable funds earmarked for investment, but bureaucratic inertia in Whitehall hampers swift action, and Starmer bears responsibility for this paralysis. Demonstrating tangible returns on public spending – with HS2 currently the sole benchmark – could justify future tax increases on higher earners, provided the money is not wasted. In an uncertain world, the article argues that rational, evidence‑based governance is preferable to “outlandish initiatives” that create a multitude of losers. Ultimately, the piece concludes that Truss’s experiment was a disaster not merely because of the misguided belief that tax cuts can drive sustainable growth in a mature economy, but because it relied on an imagined “escape hatch” to propel the UK to a higher economic plane.