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The World Health Organisation (WHO) has issued a stern warning against the ongoing US-Israeli attacks on Iranian healthcare facilities, amid the escalating conflict. The organisation's chief, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, reported that over 20 attacks on healthcare facilities in Iran have been verified since March 1, resulting in at least nine deaths, including an infectious diseases health worker and a member of the Iranian Red Crescent Society.The Pasteur Institute in Tehran, one of the oldest research and health facilities in the country, has sustained significant damage and was rendered unable to continue delivering health services. Iranian Ministry of Health spokesperson Hossein Kermanpour shared images of the heavily damaged building on social media, with parts of the facility reduced to rubble.Despite the attacks, Iran's ISNA news agency reported that the services of the Pasteur Institute have not been interrupted, and vaccine and serum production would continue. The WHO chief emphasised that the Institute plays a crucial role in protecting and promoting population health, particularly in emergencies.The attacks have not been limited to the Pasteur Institute. The WHO has reported damage to other healthcare facilities, including the Delaram Sina Psychiatric Hospital and the Tofigh Daru pharmaceutical facility, with no casualties reported. An explosion near the Imam Ali Hospital in Khuzestan province led to the facility's evacuation and cessation of services.Tedros stressed that humanitarian workers, ambulances, relief supplies, and humanitarian facilities must be respected and protected under international law. The Geneva Conventions, agreed upon after World War II, designate healthcare facilities as protected locations.The Iranian Red Crescent Society reported that a warehouse belonging to the organisation was targeted, destroying two-wheeled relief containers and two buses and relief vehicles. According to the organisation, 307 health, medical, and emergency care facilities have been damaged in the war.

Peptides are short chains of amino acids that naturally occur in the body, acting as hormones such as insulin, oxytocin and vasopressin, or as fragments released during protein digestion.In recent years, a wave of interest has turned these molecules into purported therapeutic agents for everything from weight loss to anti‑ageing and tissue repair. Prescription drugs like semaglutide (Wegovy) and tirzepatide (Mounjaro) are synthetic peptides that have undergone rigorous clinical testing and are approved for specific medical uses.However, a large portion of the market consists of unregulated, experimental peptides sold for self‑administration. These products often bypass the strict approval processes required for medicines, raising serious safety concerns.Who is using these products? Initially confined to a niche of powerlifters and bodybuilders in the 2010s, the audience has expanded dramatically. Influential figures such as podcaster Joe Rogan have promoted combinations like the “Wolverine stack” (BPC‑157 and TB‑500) for injury recovery, while other compounds—CJC‑1295, MK‑677, ipamorelin, and GHK‑Cu—are marketed for muscle growth and anti‑ageing. Social media platforms are now flooded with instructions on purchasing and injecting these substances.Scientific backing is scant. Reviews of the literature reveal that most experimental peptides have only been tested in animal or cell models. For example, BPC‑157 shows promise for tendon and muscle repair in pre‑clinical studies, but no randomized human trials have validated these effects. Similarly, TB‑4 and its synthetic analogue TB‑500 have demonstrated limited blood‑vessel formation in laboratory settings, yet human data are absent and both are listed as prohibited substances by the World Anti‑Doping Agency.Researchers also highlight a critical knowledge gap: dosage, frequency and treatment duration remain undefined, making self‑administration a gamble.Legal landscape in the UK is clear that peptides not classified as medicines fall outside the Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency’s (MHRA) remit. If a seller makes medicinal claims, the product must hold a marketing authorisation under the Human Medicines Regulations 2012. The MHRA warns that labeling items as “research use only” does not shield vendors from enforcement when evidence shows the products are intended for human consumption.Health risks are multi‑fold. Experts caution that benefits observed in animal studies do not guarantee safety in humans. Contamination with harmful impurities or bacterial endotoxins can trigger severe reactions, including septic shock. Injecting excess natural peptides may disrupt the body’s tightly regulated hormonal balance, potentially affecting multiple physiological pathways.There is also theoretical concern that augmenting peptide levels could accelerate tumour growth, as some cancers over‑express certain peptide pathways. While no direct cases have been documented, the possibility underscores the need for caution.Additional dangers include improper injection techniques (e.g., air embolism), unknown interactions with existing medications, and the lack of systematic monitoring of long‑term effects. As one researcher put it, “If something goes wrong, users may never notice until irreversible damage has occurred.”

Even before the season began, the fixture list hinted that March would become a turning point for Newcastle United. A run to the Champions League quarter‑finals and a victory in the Tyne‑Wear derby could have silenced many critics, while a third Carabao Cup final would have forced the derby’s postponement. In the Champions League round‑of‑16, Newcastle appeared stronger at home against Barcelona, only to be undone by a late penalty. The away leg saw them threaten early on, but a second‑half collapse resulted in a 7‑2 defeat, widening the perceived gap between the sides. The derby itself illustrated the team’s frailties. Newcastle led at halftime and struck the post, yet they finished with the fifth‑worst second‑half record in the Premier League. Sunderland equalised through Brian Brobbey, fed by a simple Granit Xhaka pass, exploiting the space that Newcastle’s midfield surrendered late in the game. These setbacks have sparked serious speculation about manager Eddie Howe’s future. Chief executive David Hopkinson offered no clear endorsement, stating only that “we’ll talk about the future when it’s time,” a comment that many interpreted as a warning. Howe arrived in November 2021, a month after the Saudi‑led acquisition of the club, and quickly guided Newcastle into the modern era: two Champions League qualifications, a historic Carabao Cup triumph – the first domestic trophy in 70 years – and a generally steady league performance. Until last season, there was little talk of his dismissal. However, the current crisis is less about tactics than about recruitment. With no sporting director, Howe’s nephew Andy Howe and scout Steve Nickson oversaw most signings last summer, a structure that has drawn criticism. The sale of Alexander Isak to Liverpool was widely regarded as mishandled. The club allowed the protracted saga to dominate the window, missing an opportunity to maximise the fee and reinvest in squad depth, or to negotiate a swap that could have brought Hugo Ekitiké to Newcastle. Summer acquisitions have added little stability. While Sandro Tonali, Anthony Gordon and Tino Livramento are rumored to be on their way out, Yoane Wissa suffered an early injury and new signing Nick Woltemade arrived without a clear role. Of the incoming players, only Malick Thiaw has made a noticeable impact. Consequently, the squad lacks the depth required for simultaneous Champions League commitments, a Carabao Cup semi‑final run, and a fifth‑round FA Cup tie. The fatigue evident in many second‑half performances is therefore unsurprising. Underlying these on‑field issues are broader structural problems. Dan Ashworth’s departure for Manchester United left a void that successor Paul Mitchell could not fill; his exit after clashes with ownership – and reportedly with Howe over player conditioning – created a leadership vacuum. Ross Wilson, appointed sporting director in October with Howe’s blessing, now faces the daunting task of rebuilding a fragmented recruitment process. Financial pressures add another layer of complexity. The recent sale of the stadium to a club subsidiary, coupled with a looming UEFA fine for 2025, has strained resources. While the Champions League revenue and the Isak transfer may alleviate some of the strain, the shift to an “unanchored” squad‑cost ratio favours owners with deep pockets, leaving the club’s commitment from the Public Investment Fund uncertain amid broader Saudi retrenchment. Notably, discussions of a new stadium have been absent for almost a year. Hopkinson’s description of Newcastle as a “trading club” appears realistic, yet his remarks also hint at an upcoming exodus of players such as Tonali, Gordon and Livramento. Even if the broader economic climate softens, the likely absence of Champions League football next season could further limit Newcastle’s ability to attract top talent. Ultimately, the core issue is governance. While Howe’s tactical acumen may improve without the demands of European competition, the club’s ambition to become a modern, well‑structured organisation may require a change in leadership. His departure could be the catalyst needed for a comprehensive cultural and structural overhaul.

As the 2026 local and regional elections draw nearer, the spectre of Trussonomics looms large over the British political landscape. From the Conservatives to the Greens, parties are unveiling extravagant fiscal promises that they claim can be funded by cuts elsewhere or additional borrowing, while insisting the broader economy will remain unharmed. Critics warn that any adverse effects will inevitably be shifted onto people and businesses outside the parties' core constituencies, effectively socialising the risk. Only Keir Starmer and his Labour cabinet appear to resist the pressure to re‑engineer the economy without acknowledging inevitable spill‑overs or extra costs. Former Prime Minister Liz Truss famously pledged £45 bn of tax cuts, financed through extra borrowing and so‑called welfare “efficiencies”. The plan was pitched as a catalyst for an entrepreneurial surge that would lift the UK out of a prolonged period of low productivity. Heading into May’s local polls, the Conservatives are touting a new “big‑spending” agenda after recent welfare cuts, highlighted by a headline pledge to shrink the welfare bill by £23 bn. Shadow Chancellor Mel Stride declared that the “culture of ‘something for nothing’ must end, now”. Green Party leader Zack Polanski has softened some of his party’s more radical proposals, yet the manifesto remains vague. Earlier drafts featured a litany of “free lunches”, signalling an ambition to raise taxes by **more than £170 bn a year** by the end of the next parliament. Key components of the Green plan include a £90 bn annual carbon tax and a matching increase in day‑to‑day public spending, alongside a proposed £90 bn boost to the capital‑spending budget (raising it from £160 bn to £250 bn per year). Reform UK has embraced Trussonomics with gusto, promising to raise the income‑tax threshold from £12,570 to £20,000 – a move that would cost the exchequer **over £40 bn each year**. Underlying many of these pledges is a belief that the UK can reverse a century of economic decline with a “magician’s wand”, ignoring potential repercussions for financial markets, trading partners, and a rapidly disintegrating global order. While the article briefly references the United States and France, the French electorate’s recent rejection of similarly flamboyant policies in local elections serves as a cautionary tale: voters in key cities like Paris and Marseille opted for centrist candidates over the radical platforms of Marine Le Pen’s National Rally and Jean‑Luc Mélenchon’s LFI. The broader context is a decade marked by two major wars, a quantum technological shift, and accelerating climate change – none of which offer quick‑fix solutions. Labour’s economic strategy, championed by Rachel Reeves, hinges on an early‑parliament spending surge intended to generate growth before the next general election. However, the damage inflicted by the previous government is still being reassessed, with the public‑finance gap now appearing larger than the £22 bn initially highlighted by Reeves. Labour still holds considerable funds earmarked for investment, but bureaucratic inertia in Whitehall hampers swift action, and Starmer bears responsibility for this paralysis. Demonstrating tangible returns on public spending – with HS2 currently the sole benchmark – could justify future tax increases on higher earners, provided the money is not wasted. In an uncertain world, the article argues that rational, evidence‑based governance is preferable to “outlandish initiatives” that create a multitude of losers. Ultimately, the piece concludes that Truss’s experiment was a disaster not merely because of the misguided belief that tax cuts can drive sustainable growth in a mature economy, but because it relied on an imagined “escape hatch” to propel the UK to a higher economic plane.

In what can only be described as a humiliating exit, Liverpool were beaten 4‑0 by Manchester City in the FA Cup quarter‑final, a result that has thrown the future of manager Arne Slot into further doubt.The Etihad crowd watched City dominate from the first whistle, with Erling Haaland completing a hat‑trick by the 57th minute. The Norwegian’s third came from open play after a series of defensive lapses, sealing a comprehensive victory that left Liverpool supporters emptying the upper tiers of the South Stand.Liverpool’s own chances were squandered. Mohamed Salah missed a late penalty, a rare misfire that underscored his waning influence. Earlier, Virgil van Dijk conceded his fourth penalty of the season – a stark contrast to the single penalty he had given up in his previous 319 Premier League appearances for the club.Mid‑fielder Dominik Szoboszlai offered a blunt self‑assessment after the match, stating, “The fighting spirit wasn’t there enough, the mentality wasn’t there enough. None of us were there to be honest as much as we could.” His words captured the collective lack of resolve that defined Liverpool’s performance.Beyond the immediate disappointment, the defeat raises the stakes for Slot’s upcoming Champions League quarter‑final first leg against Paris Saint‑Germain. With Liverpool still carrying the Premier League’s highest wage bill, the club’s hierarchy and fans will be watching closely to see whether the team can salvage the season or face a deeper crisis.The match exposed systemic issues: a static defense that allowed City’s left‑back Antoine Semenyo and striker Erling Haaland to exploit gaps, a goalkeeper positioning that appeared indecisive, and a general absence of leadership on the pitch. As the season progresses, the spotlight remains firmly on Slot, whose tenure now hinges on a single chance to revive Liverpool’s dwindling fortunes.

Leeds United travel to West Ham for an FA Cup quarter‑final that both clubs would prefer to avoid, yet manager Daniel Farke is clear about his priorities. With an MA in economics and a diploma in sporting directorship, he stresses that Premier League survival is the club’s "bread and butter" and must come first.Off the pitch, the German‑born coach unwinds by immersing himself in literary fiction, counting Gabriel García Márquez’s One Hundred Years of Solitude among his favourites.Farke’s dual role as a tactician and a storyteller raises the question of whether he can engineer a season that delivers both survival and cup glory. A successful double could make it hard for the Elland Road hierarchy to deny him the new contract he desires."I’m a big believer in cup competitions," Farke said, emphasizing that Leeds will approach the West Ham tie "very, very seriously". He added that the squad will start strong unless a player shows a physical issue, in which case they will be protected.The risk of fielding a first‑choice XI against a relegation rival mirrors the 2013 Wigan experience, when the club won the FA Cup but suffered relegation three days later – a bittersweet double that highlighted the fine line between triumph and disaster.Leeds have failed to win any of their last six Premier League matches, drawing four, a run that has stalled momentum. A victory could act as a catalyst to change the narrative as the season draws to a close.Injury concerns loom over striker Dominic Calvert‑Lewin, who is undergoing a hamstring scan. The England international, who netted seven goals in six games at the end of 2025, has managed only two league goals this season. A fit Calvert‑Lewin could revive Leeds’ hopes of reaching their first FA Cup semi‑final since 1987 and keep his World Cup aspirations alive.The goalkeeping position also remains unsettled. After losing his starting spot to Karl Darlow, Lucas Perri has featured solely in the FA Cup this year, leaving the decision on who starts for the West Ham tie open.Financial pressures add urgency to Farke’s decisions. Leeds’ latest accounts reveal a £49.2 million pre‑tax loss for the year ending June 2025, and a costly stadium expansion project that would be jeopardised by relegation. This backdrop explains the psychological blow of a 1‑0 loss to an under‑strength Sunderland side earlier in the month.Farke believes a deep FA Cup run could erase lingering self‑doubt. "If we secure Premier League survival and go further in the FA Cup, we can write a special chapter for this club," he said, urging his squad to seize the chance to make history.

Analysts say that more than two years of relentless campaigns against Gaza, the Houthis, Lebanon and now Iran have reshaped Israel’s politics, economy and social fabric.Washington, rather than Jerusalem, is likely to decide the ultimate outcome of the conflict that Israeli leaders describe as an “existential battle” with Tehran.According to the Bank of Israel, the cumulative cost of these wars has reached 352 billion shekels (about $112 bn), which translates to roughly 300 million shekels ($96 m) per day. The financial pressure is compounded by the International Court of Justice hearing credible genocide accusations and the International Criminal Court’s arrest warrants for the prime minister and a former defence minister.Domestically, Israelis endure frequent air‑raid alerts and school closures, while many families juggle work and shelter duties. Yet a poll by the Israel Democracy Institute in late March showed that 78 % of Jewish Israelis still support continuing the war, even as a majority doubt that Washington and Israeli planners have fully grasped Tehran’s capabilities.Political commentator Dahlia Scheindlin told Al Jazeera that a “graveness” has settled over the population, noting a grim determination to press on despite exhaustion.Israel’s right‑wing coalition, led by figures such as National Security Minister Itamar Ben‑Gvir and ultra‑Orthodox Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, has pushed through a controversial death‑penalty law targeting Palestinians and approved a record $271 bn budget. The budget allocates substantial funds to ultra‑Orthodox and settler communities, a move described by critics as an attempt to shore up Prime Minister Netanyahu’s waning support.Internationally, the United Nations, European Union and several Muslim‑majority states have condemned the new death‑penalty legislation, though Israel has so far avoided direct sanctions.Economists warn that the war’s fiscal impact extends beyond defence spending. A Le Monde analysis highlighted rising defence outlays, lost productivity from reservist mobilisation, and dampened consumer activity. While temporary tax cuts have mitigated fuel‑price spikes caused by Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz, political economist Shir Hever cautions that Israel’s reliance on imported fuel means any relief is short‑lived.Hever likens the current economic trajectory to that of a “totalitarian state,” where military expenses are pursued arbitrarily, ignoring broader economic stability.Ultimately, the war’s duration may hinge more on U.S. policy than Israeli strategy. When asked by Newsmax about progress toward its goals, Prime Minister Netanyahu could only claim the effort was “halfway” achieved.

Israel’s military announced plans to bomb the Sohmor and Mashghara bridges spanning the Litani River in the western Bekaa Valley, stating they are being used by Hezbollah. The threat comes as Israeli forces intensify a ground invasion that began in early March. Al Jazeera reporter Obaida Hitto described the two spans as “the main arteries for goods, for people, for movement” between the rest of Lebanon and the western Bekaa. He warned that their destruction would effectively isolate the western Bekaa, making it extremely difficult for residents to reach the hub of Chtoura, hospitals, and other essential services. According to the same source, Israel has already demolished at least six other bridges over the Litani River since the offensive escalated in early March, signalling a systematic effort to sever transport links. Human‑rights organisations have condemned the targeting of civilian infrastructure, arguing that the strategy appears designed to isolate the region and contravene international humanitarian law. The deepening ground operation, announced last week, also includes plans to raze “scores of residential homes,” raising further concerns about the scale of civilian displacement. On Friday, the South Lebanon Water Establishment reported that Israeli strikes damaged critical water facilities in Ibl al‑Saqi and al‑Maysat, and impaired solar‑power installations at several stations. The authority called the attacks a “clear and explicit violation of all international conventions and norms” protecting civilian services. In the same wave of violence, the National News Agency (NNA) confirmed that four people were killed across Lebanon on Friday, including two worshippers exiting a mosque in the western Bekaa town of Sahmar. Since the conflict erupted on 2 March, more than 1.2 million people have been forced from their homes, according to UN data. Lebanon’s Ministry of Public Health cites a death toll of 1,345 and over 4,000 wounded nationwide. The fighting has also claimed the lives of at least three United Nations peacekeepers this week, with two additional peacekeepers seriously injured after an explosion near a UN position in al‑Adaissah. UNIFIL spokesperson Kandice Ardiel urged all parties to respect the safety of peacekeepers, emphasizing that combat activities must not endanger UN personnel.

At the start of 2026 Pakistan was sitting on a surplus of imported liquefied natural gas (LNG). Three consecutive years of falling demand – from a peak of 8.2 million tonnes in 2021 to 6.1 million tonnes by late 2025 – were driven by cheap solar panels and reduced industrial activity. The government responded by quietly selling excess cargoes abroad and shutting down domestic wells to avoid over‑pressurising pipelines. Any gas that could not be diverted would have been pushed into household networks at a loss, adding billions to the sector’s crippling debt. Everything changed on 28 February when the United States and Israel launched the "Epic Fury" operation against Iran. The strikes killed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and targeted missile sites, air defences and military infrastructure. Iran retaliated with hundreds of missiles and drones, choking traffic through the Strait of Hormuz – a chokepoint for roughly 20 % of global oil and gas. As part of its retaliation, Iranian drones hit Qatar’s Ras Laffan Industrial City on 2 March, the world’s largest LNG export hub. Qatar, the second‑largest LNG exporter after the United States, declared force majeure and halted all production, releasing it from contractual delivery obligations. The fallout was immediate. Qatar’s forced shutdown cut its LNG output by 17 % and disrupted the supply chain that fuels Pakistan, which sources almost all of its imported gas from Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Pakistan’s LNG arrivals plummeted from 12 shipments in January to just two in March. Monthly cargo data from the Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (OGRA) show that the country received between eight and twelve shipments a month through 2025, but only two arrived after the conflict began. Price pressure followed. On 13 February state‑owned Pakistan State Oil and Pakistan LNG Limited bought eight cargoes at an average of $10.47 per MMBtu (totaling $257.1 million). By 12 March the two cargoes that did arrive cost $12.49 per MMBtu – a 19 % increase in just one month. Long‑term contracts have left Pakistan with little flexibility. Two government‑to‑government agreements with Qatar, spanning 15 and 10 years, commit the country to nine shipments a month. Even as domestic demand fell – LNG’s share of Asian markets dropped from ~30 % in 2020 to ~18 % in 2025 – the contracts remained binding. Solarisation has been a double‑edged sword. By 2025 Pakistan installed 34 GW of solar capacity, with about 25 GW feeding the national grid, driving an 11 % decline in overall electricity demand between 2022 and 2025. Gas‑fired power plants built for imported LNG are now under‑utilised, especially during daylight hours. Analysts warn that the surplus was predictable. “Pakistan’s energy planning has been locked into long‑term contracts with little room for adjustment,” says Haneea Isaad of the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA). The resulting circular debt now stands at 3.3 trillion rupees (≈ $11 billion), and the government is negotiating to off‑load 177 unwanted shipments worth $5.6 billion through 2031. With Qatar’s LNG shipments effectively halted, the country faces a potential shortfall of more than 21 % of its power generation capacity. The National Electric Power Regulatory Authority confirmed that LNG supplies are under force majeure, while coal imports from South Africa and Indonesia continue. To mitigate the gap, Pakistan is reviving domestic gas production that had been throttled during the surplus period. Roughly 350–400 million cubic feet per day of domestic gas were previously held back for LNG imports, now being released to the grid. Nevertheless, analysts caution that even with restored domestic gas, imported coal and hydropower, “the energy shortage may persist, especially during the peak summer months.” Summer pressure is already building. The State of Industry Report 2025 recorded peak electricity demand of over 33,000 MW last summer, while winter demand sits around 15,000 MW, helped by solar generation of 9,000–10,000 MW daily. Furnace oil, the primary backup fuel, now costs 35 rupees per unit (≈ $0.12), more than double since the Strait of Hormuz disruption. Consumers with grid electricity face higher bills and possible outages; industrial users reliant on gas risk production cuts; those equipped with rooftop solar and battery storage are best insulated. “Returning to the spot market is unlikely given Pakistan’s dire financial position, and competing with wealthier nations would price the country out,” Isaad warns. “The realistic outcome may be planned load‑shedding of two to three hours daily.”