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The film 'Fuze' is a London heist thriller that promises to deliver a wild ride with its intricate plot and high-stakes action. Written by screenwriter Ben Hopkins and directed by David Mackenzie, the movie boasts a talented cast, including Theo James and Aaron Taylor-Johnson.Aaron Taylor-Johnson plays Major Will Tranter, a bomb disposal officer who becomes embroiled in a daring heist. The plot thickens when a crew of bank robbers, led by Theo James and Sam Worthington, use a giant unexploded WWII device as a diversion to tunnel into a safe-deposit vault.The film's tense moments include a three-second bank transfer of millions of illicit dollars, which can be monitored on a smartphone in real-time. The reviewer notes that the movie's chutzpah and athletic plot contortions help to make up for its innate silliness.The movie features a star-studded cast, including Gugu Mbatha-Raw as the Met's chief superintendent. With its action-packed plot and high-stakes heist, 'Fuze' is set to thrill audiences when it hits cinemas on April 3 in the UK, April 16 in Australia, and April 24 in the US.

In a recent interview published by the Free Press, former UK prime minister Tony Blair asserted that the British left has entered an “unholy alliance” with Islamist groups, framing criticism of Israel’s Gaza operations as a new form of anti‑semitism. He further praised former President Donald Trump’s proposed plan for Gaza, describing it as “bold and intelligent.”The commentary arrives amid a sharp decline in British public support for Israel. A YouGov poll found that only 12 % of respondents back Israel’s actions in Gaza, while a clear majority favor measures such as an arms embargo, sanctions, and even the prosecution of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for alleged war crimes.Blair’s allegation that the left “casts the Jewish community as supporters of the Israeli government” is challenged by evidence of a broader shift in public sentiment. The Greens, now a leading force on the English left, oppose the Gaza offensive and reject Islamophobia, yet they are led by a Jewish gay politician and champion a socially progressive agenda that includes LGBTQ+ rights and gender equality—hardly the hallmarks of “Islamism.”Data on American Jewry is also invoked. While 71 % of Jewish Americans voted for Kamala Harris in the 2024 election, a separate poll indicated that 40 % of Jewish respondents believe Israel’s military actions amount to genocide, a figure rising to half among those under 35. These figures illustrate that criticism of Israel does not automatically equate to anti‑semitic sentiment.The piece also revisits Blair’s own controversial foreign‑policy record. His government approved extensive arms sales to Saudi Arabia and shut down investigations into those deals, while his post‑premiership institute continued to receive substantial Saudi funding even after the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi. Moreover, the 2003 invasion of Iraq, led by Blair, is widely regarded as having provided a recruitment boost to Islamist extremist groups.Critics argue that Blair’s narrative is a strategic attempt to deflect growing Western criticism of Israel by painting opponents as extremist sympathizers. The term “Islamo‑gauchisme,” used in France to describe similar accusations, exemplifies a broader pattern of demonising Muslim participation in democratic politics.In sum, the article contends that Blair’s claim lacks substantive evidence, overlooks prevailing public opinion, and mirrors past tactics of smearing dissenting voices. As the debate over Israel’s conduct in Gaza intensifies, the left’s opposition appears rooted in humanitarian concerns rather than any covert Islamist agenda.

Berkeley, one of Britain’s largest housebuilders, said it will cease buying new land and impose a hiring freeze as it confronts the impact of the Iran war and broader geopolitical volatility on the UK property market.The FTSE 100 company warned that a reduced likelihood of further interest‑rate cuts and soaring regulatory costs could weigh heavily on its business, prompting cost‑cutting measures that also include using fewer subcontractors.In a significant outlook revision, Berkeley now expects to generate more than £1.4 billion in pre‑tax profit between 2027 and 2030, a stark increase from the roughly £450 million it had forecast for the current year and 2027.Market reaction was swift: the company’s shares plunged up to 18 % on Wednesday morning, later recovering to sit about 13 % lower, making Berkeley the worst performer on the FTSE 100 that day.Berkeley’s statement noted that early‑2026 sales showed modest recovery, but “recent geopolitical events and the macro‑economic consequences, including reduced potential for further rate cuts, could reduce confidence in a near‑term market recovery.”The firm cited “unprecedented” increases in costs and regulation, alongside weak buyer demand, as reasons for halting land purchases, arguing it can no longer achieve a sufficient rate of return on new sites due to a continuous rise in tax and regulatory burdens.These challenges arrive as the UK government pushes to meet ambitious new‑home building targets, while the sector grapples with higher taxation, new building‑safety rules, and longer planning timelines—Berkeley estimates approvals now take about 12 months longer than before.The ongoing war in Iran has amplified inflation fears, lifted mortgage rates above 5 % and heightened mortgage‑cost pressures for consumers, according to Moneyfacts data.Competitors such as Barratt, Redrow and Persimmon have also suffered, each losing more than 20 % of their market value, underscoring the broader stress across the housing‑construction industry.Berkeley, headquartered in Surrey, employs over 2,500 people and focuses on brownfield regeneration projects. It holds land sufficient for 50,000 homes with an additional pipeline for 10,000 homes in London and the south‑east, but will slow construction on existing sites to match market demand and regulator approvals.

Cricket Australia released its 21‑man contract roster for the 2026‑27 season, rewarding most Ashes‑winning players but leaving out Sam Konstas and veteran all‑rounder Glenn Maxwell as the board prepares for an unusually dense calendar. Fast‑bowler Brendan Doggett, who debuted in the opening Ashes Test at Perth last November, secured his first national contract. Meanwhile, opener Jake Weatherald retained an upgraded deal despite a modest series average of 22.33 runs. Both Michael Neser and spinner Todd Murphy were again awarded full contracts, reflecting the board’s focus on depth ahead of a schedule that kicks off with a two‑match home Test series against Bangladesh in August. Following the Bangladesh series, Australia will embark on ODI tours of Zimbabwe and South Africa, a home white‑ball series versus England, and a marathon stretch of 10 Test matches in 14 weeks. The latter includes contests against New Zealand, India and the historic 150th Anniversary Test at the MCG. Konstas, who burst onto the scene with a memorable 60‑run debut against India on Boxing Day 2024, failed to build on that promise, accumulating only 103 runs across nine further Test innings for an average of 16.30. The lack of consistency cost him a place on the new list. Despite the setback, selector chair George Bailey stressed that the 20‑year‑old’s journey is far from over. “He is highly talented and still on a development path,” Bailey said. “We saw encouraging signs toward the end of the season, with more consistent starts in the Sheffield Shield.” Bailey added that Konstas could feature in the upcoming Australia A tour to India, noting the board’s continued interest in his progress. Alongside Konstas and Maxwell, the contract cuts also affected Lance Morris, Jhye Richardson and Matt Short. Long‑time opener Usman Khawaja remains absent following his retirement. Weatherald’s contract renewal signals the selectors’ confidence in his potential to open the batting against Bangladesh, although Bailey cautioned that final selections will be made closer to each series, with extensive camp periods in Brisbane to fine‑tune the squad. Current contracted players: Xavier Bartlett, Scott Boland, Alex Carey, Pat Cummins, Brendan Doggett, Nathan Ellis, Cameron Green, Josh Hazlewood, Travis Head, Josh Inglis, Matthew Kuhnemann, Marnus Labuschagne, Nathan Lyon, Mitchell Marsh, Todd Murphy, Michael Neser, Steve Smith, Mitchell Starc, Jake Weatherald, Beau Webster, Adam Zampa.

For theatre enthusiasts, April brings a range of exciting productions and performances. Patrick Stewart is set to read all 154 of Shakespeare's sonnets on Audible, a project that began as a pandemic hobby where he recited one sonnet each day on social media. This comprehensive collection, which includes his personal commentaries, will be available from April 7 and lasts almost four hours. In another notable production, Complicité presents 'I Don't Do Innocents', a radio play by Anne Carson directed by Simon McBurney, featuring a cast that includes Emma Corrin and Carson herself reading the stage directions. On the BBC, Sam Ryder gives a sneak preview of his Jesus Christ Superstar, which is set to appear at the London Palladium this summer, as part of the musical-theatre jamboree on iPlayer. Hosted by Jason Manford in Manchester, the event also features Victoria Hamilton-Barritt singing from Paddington: The Musical. Additionally, James Ijames' historical satire 'The Most Spectacularly Lamentable Trial of Miz Martha Washington' is set to run from April 9 to May 3. This play, which explores the life of the inaugural first lady of the US, could pair interestingly with 'Oh, Mary!' in the West End. The BBC is also celebrating the 120th anniversary of Henrik Ibsen's death with a comprehensive iPlayer season featuring various adaptations of his works, including two renditions of 'Hedda Gabler' and 'The Master Builder'. Other highlights include Rosie Sheehy's performance in 'King John' on Marquee TV and 'End' at the National Theatre, part of a trilogy by David Eldridge, which makes a compelling double bill with Stephen Poliakoff's 'Close My Eyes'. Finally, 'Back to the Future: The Musical' is set to embark on a UK tour after its run in London, with an Amazon Prime documentary offering a 'making of' insight into the show.

FIFA President Gianni Infantino declared on Tuesday that Iran will fulfill its World Cup 2026 fixtures in the United States as originally planned, reinforcing the governing body’s commitment to a schedule that includes all qualified teams. The Iranian Football Federation had earlier announced that it was negotiating with FIFA to shift its group‑stage matches from U.S. venues to Mexico, citing safety concerns stemming from the war involving the United States and Israel that began on February 28. Mexico’s President Claudia Sheinbaum offered her country’s readiness to host Iran’s first‑round games if a relocation became necessary, highlighting regional solidarity. According to the tournament draw, Iran’s Group G campaign will open in Los Angeles on June 15 against New Zealand, followed by a clash with Belgium in the same city on June 21, and a final group match versus Egypt in Seattle on June 27. The war’s outbreak had cast doubt on Iran’s participation, prompting Infantino to address concerns during halftime of Iran’s friendly against Costa Rica in Turkey. He told AFP, “Iran will be at the World Cup… That’s why we’re here,” and praised the team’s quality. Infantino also referenced assurances allegedly given by former U.S. President Donald Trump that the Iranian squad would be welcome, though Trump later warned that the team should not travel “for their own life and safety.” Iran responded firmly, stating that “no one can exclude Iran’s national team from the World Cup.” In a March 19 online FIFA Council meeting, Infantino reaffirmed the organization’s stance: “FIFA is committed to ensuring the World Cup proceeds as scheduled with all teams participating,” adding that football can serve as a bridge for peace even when geopolitical conflicts lie beyond its control. Iran’s recent friendly against Nigeria in Belek, Turkey, featured players wearing black armbands and carrying school rucksacks to honor victims of a tragic air strike on a primary school in Minab on February 28, which killed at least 170 people. The New York Times reported that a U.S. Tomahawk cruise missile mistakenly hit the school, according to preliminary military findings. These gestures underscore the intersection of sport and geopolitics, as the global football community strives to maintain the tournament’s integrity while acknowledging the human cost of ongoing conflicts.

Beirut, Lebanon – On 24 March, Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi announced that Iran’s ambassador to Lebanon, Mohammad Reza Sheibani, was declared persona non grata and ordered to depart by 29 March. Two days after the deadline, the envoy remained in Beirut, refusing to leave. The episode unfolds against a broader conflict that has already claimed more than 1,000 lives and displaced over 1.2 million people within a single month of Israeli military action in Lebanon. It also highlights a deepening schism in Lebanese politics between supporters of the pro‑Iranian Shia militia Hezbollah and those demanding its disarmament. Imad Salamey, a political scientist at the Lebanese American University, told Al Jazeera that the ambassador’s defiance is a symptom of a larger contest over legitimacy and authority. IRGC’s Strategic Role Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) helped forge Hezbollah in 1982 as a response to Israel’s invasion. Over the decades, Tehran’s billions of dollars in funding elevated Hezbollah to Lebanon’s most powerful political and military force. Hezbollah’s popularity peaked in 2000 after driving Israeli forces from south Lebanon, but subsequent engagements—including the 2006 war, the 2008 Beirut street battles, the Syrian civil war, and the 2019 domestic protests—have eroded its broader support. When Hezbollah entered open conflict with Israel on 8 October 2023, it enjoyed limited backing beyond the Shia community. By the November 2024 cease‑fire, the group was at a low point, with Israel having killed more than 4,000 Lebanese, including leader Hassan Nasrallah and much of Hezbollah’s command. International pressure then mounted for Hezbollah’s disarmament, prompting Prime Minister Nawaf Salam and President Joseph Aoun to prioritize the issue. According to several analysts, the IRGC exploited the cease‑fire lull to dispatch officials to Lebanon, restructuring Hezbollah’s command and possibly ordering its re‑entry into the war on 2 March—just days after Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei was assassinated. Prime Minister Salam has publicly claimed the IRGC is “managing the military operation in Lebanon” and even accused Tehran of launching an attack on Cyprus. Ambassador Refuses to Exit In response to the perceived IRGC influence, Raggi’s declaration stripped Sheibani of diplomatic immunity. Dania Arayssi, senior analyst at the New Lines Institute, described the move as a “landmark decision” given Iran’s entrenched role in Lebanese politics. Iran’s Foreign Ministry, however, maintains that Sheibani will not depart, and Hezbollah has openly pledged to protect him, warning that any government attempt to disarm the militia will be met with “punishment.” Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri—longtime Hezbollah ally—initially backed the government’s ban on Hezbollah’s military activity after the March re‑entry, illustrating the fluidity of alliances within Lebanon’s power‑sharing system. State Authority Tested Hezbollah’s renewed campaign, which includes dozens of cross‑border attacks and direct engagements with Israeli forces on Lebanese soil, is reshaping the political calculus. The militia’s revived confidence challenges the Lebanese government’s ability to enforce disarmament. While the ambassador remains protected inside the Iranian diplomatic compound—effectively beyond the reach of Lebanese law—critics argue that Tehran’s refusal to honor the expulsion order undermines the state’s authority, already weakened by months of war. Salamey summed up the dilemma: “The state is asserting its authority on paper, but internal divisions and competing claims of legitimacy constrain its practical power, testing the limits of Lebanon’s fragile power‑sharing arrangement.”

Coordinated strikes by United States and Israeli forces hit Tehran, Isfahan and several other Iranian cities on Tuesday, prompting widespread power outages and extensive damage to civilian sites. The Ministry of Energy confirmed that shrapnel from the raids ruptured a primary power‑transfer line, but the outage was restored within a few hours. Among the most critical targets was the Tofigh Darou pharmaceutical complex in the Karaj industrial zone. The facility, which supplies over 90% of Iran’s domestically produced medicines—including cancer and multiple‑sclerosis treatments—sustained heavy damage from multiple projectiles. In central Iran, Isfahan endured a barrage of heavy bunker‑buster bombs over a nearby mountainous area, likely aimed at military installations. The explosions triggered secondary blasts that illuminated the night sky and produced reverberating shockwaves across the city. North‑west of Tehran, in Zanjan, a building identified as the administrative department of the Hosseinieh Azam religious centre was struck, resulting in at least four fatalities and several injuries. Iranian authorities now claim that more than 2,000 people have been killed by US‑Israeli attacks since the conflict erupted on 28 February, with residential blocks, schools, hospitals and historic sites also affected. Additional targets this week included civilian nuclear facilities, major steel producers, petrochemical plants, and the Iran University of Science and Technology, where an imaging satellite was developed. A professor linked to Iran’s missile programme and his two children were assassinated at their home in northern Tehran. U.S. President Donald Trump reiterated threats to strike Iran’s oil and gas infrastructure, power plants and water‑desalination facilities. Despite the onslaught, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) continues to project defiance. A spokesperson for the Khatam al‑Anbiya Central Headquarters declared that Tehran’s adversaries are “humiliated and on the path of destruction,” while senior commander Ali Fadavi warned that American warships are vulnerable and allegedly transmit false transponder signals. The IRGC also released footage of ballistic missiles aimed at Israel and surrounding nations, and claimed to have downed two U.S. MQ‑9 Reaper drones, promising retaliatory strikes against technology firms linked to the United States and Israel. Domestically, the judiciary announced the execution of two members of the foreign‑based Mojahedin‑e‑Khalq (MEK) group, labeling them terrorists. This follows a series of recent executions tied to the January protests and broader dissent. Authorities also issued new indictments against roughly 200 individuals accused of assisting the U.S. and Israel, including alleged “mercenaries” who disseminated strike footage abroad. Penalties for national‑security offenses now encompass asset confiscation and capital punishment. President Masoud Pezeshkian convened his first cabinet meeting since the war’s onset in a makeshift, blue‑covered space, emphasizing that any peace negotiations will safeguard Iran’s “dignity, security and national interests.” Israel’s Channel 14 reported that Pezeshkian sought greater negotiating leverage with the United States, a request allegedly rebuffed by IRGC chief Ahmad Vahidi.

More than two years into Israel's war on Gaza, thousands of families remain in limbo, torn between unverified deaths and secret detentions.In a partially destroyed home in Khan Younis, Tahrir Abu Mady clings to the charred walls that echo the memory of her missing children.Her 20‑year‑old daughter, Malak, a university student and volunteer nurse at Nasser Hospital, vanished after briefly returning home with her 18‑year‑old brother Yousef when Israeli ground forces entered the city in 2024.Forensic teams later recovered human remains in the ruined house, prompting Gaza’s Ministry of Health to issue a death certificate for Malak, while Yousef’s fate stayed unknown.The story took a painful turn when a list of Palestinian detainees released by former prisoners included Malak’s name, marked only with “No information available,” reigniting Tahrir’s anguish.Seeking answers, Tahrir tried to hire a lawyer in Umm al‑Fahm to trace her daughter within the Israeli prison system, but prohibitive legal fees made the effort impossible.Human‑rights groups warn that Malak’s case is far from unique. Israeli forces have detained thousands of Gazans in undisclosed locations, often without charge or legal representation.Euro‑Med Human Rights Monitor researcher Maha al‑Husseini estimates around 3,000 people have been forcibly disappeared, many of whom may be dead or imprisoned, with Israeli authorities refusing to provide any information.Families are left in a state of suspended grief, unable to properly mourn or advocate for their loved ones.Today, Tahrir lives between an official death certificate and a name on a smuggled prisoner list, writing on the scarred walls: “We are still waiting for you, Malak … our white coat girl.”